The Specter of Hitler's Survival

In spring, 1945, as Allied powers encroached on German soil, Soviets from the east and the Western Allies from the west, Adolf Hitler and some of his closest advisors took refuge in the Führerbunker beneath the Reich Chancellery. At first, Hitler did not intend to remain underground there, in his small quarters with his lover Eva Braun. He intended to leave Berlin on his birthday, April 20th, and regroup in the more defensible Bavarian Alps near Berchtesgaden, but on the 19th, upon hearing that Soviet tanks had broken through the lines and were approaching Berlin, he changed his mind, enraged that his generals could be so incompetent and deciding that he would have to remain in Berlin in order to ensure the city would not fall. His birthday party, typically celebrated as a national holiday among Nazis, was a bleak affair as the fellow occupants of the bunker realized they may not make it out of Berlin alive. Shells shook the bunker faintly from their impact almost thirty feet overhead, and Hitler, who had once seemed supremely confident and commanding to his cult of followers now was stoop-backed, shaky, pale, and bleary-eyed. All of his lieutenants and officers feared telling him that hope was lost for Berlin, that the series of new counterattacks he initiated were all doomed to failure. Loyalists remained vigilant for any signs of disloyalty, which would have gotten them shot. Even leading figures of the party were deposed for some perceived treachery during Hitler’s final, paranoid days in the bunker—Hermann Göring, holder of the highest military rank in the Wehrmacht, a rank created just for him, was expelled from the party for even suggesting that Hitler may have been unable to lead from the embattled bunker, and Heinrich Himmler, Reichsführer of the SS, about whom I spoke in nauseating detail in my series on Nazi Occultism, was declared a traitor for attempting to negotiate a separate peace with Western Allies while Hitler remained in his bombarded bunker, unwilling to flee the city. As the military reality of their situation became apparent and formerly loyal party members appeared to be betraying him, Hitler began to openly talk about dying there in the bunker. “Now I shall remain in Berlin and die here,” he is reported to have stated. And it was more than just idle talk. Hitler began to talk to others in the bunker about using the cyanide capsules they had on hand to commit suicide when the Soviets came nearer the bunker, and as they did not have enough capsules for everyone, he spoke of some having to shoot themselves. He even tested the cyanide on his beloved dog, Blondi, forcing a broken capsule between the German Shepherd’s clenched teeth and watching her die. The more fanatical of his followers resigned themselves to sharing his fate. Chief Nazi propagandist Joseph Goebbels, though he was to be made the leader of the Reich after Hitler’s suicide, was such a deluded ideologue that he could not imagine a world without his Führer. He had brought his family into the bunker, and he and his wife Magda began to make arrangements not only to kill themselves, but also to murder their six children. Eva Braun was eerily reconciled to her fate, happy only that Hitler finally agreed to marry her, right there in the bunker, the day before they took their lives together. She told one woman present in the air raid shelter that she chose poison because she wanted to leave a beautiful corpse behind. We know that, as Allied forces took Berlin and pushed toward the bunker, Hitler and Eva Braun killed themselves in their private quarters, were carried, wrapped in blankets, out of the bunker, doused with gasoline, and burned in a bomb crater near the exit. Those present buried their remains before withdrawing back below ground to escape the shelling that continued. There, others, including the Goebbelses, also killed themselves, but not before ensuring that the Goebbels children were dead. We have knowledge of all these events from declassified files recording the interrogation of numerous eyewitnesses who were present and after the suicides tried to flee the city but were caught, as well as from several memoirs later written by the same witnesses. And yet, Hitler’s ghost would continue to haunt the world in the form of numerous rumors, persisting even to today, that he did not die in that bunker in 1945.

To many, it may seem like conspiracy theories and claims about Hitler’s escape from Germany are a relatively recent phenomenon. There is a reason for that. The Soviets were the ones who first reached the bunker, who captured most of the witnesses to Hitler’s final days, and who even claimed to have recovered Hitler’s remains, and much of the evidence and documentation of what happened was long locked up in Russian archives, with minimal access being granted to Western historians throughout the Cold War. This did not prevent British and American intelligence services from conducting their own investigations and interviews of witnesses, both in the aftermath of Berlin’s fall and ten years later, when Soviets released the last of their Nazi prisoners to face justice in German courts. The most prominent of these investigations, conducted by British historian and intelligence officer Hugh Trevor-Roper and published in 1947 as The Last Days of Hitler, determined without any need for physical evidence of his remains that Hitler had killed himself in the bunker. Trevor-Roper’s conclusions remained consensus history, with only some minor disagreement about whether Hitler had shot himself or taken poison. In the year 2000, after the collapse of the USSR and the rise of young KGB lieutenant Vladimir Putin to power, some effort was made to open the archives, specifically those relating to the death of Hitler, in order to remind the world that they had Russia to thank for his downfall. In a Moscow exhibition called “Agony of the Third Reich – the Punishment,” they displayed numerous Top Secret reports and photographs to recreate the events in the bunker, and their pièce de resistance, a skull with a bullet hole in it claimed to be Hitler’s, appeared to settle the matter of whether Hitler had shot himself. However, in 2009, on behalf of a History Channel program called MysteryQuest, University of Connecticut archaeologist Nicholas Bellantoni examined a fragment of this skull, provided by the producers of the program, and determined that it actually belonged to a woman. From there, the floodgates to conspiracy were opened. The most popular book to claim that Hitler escaped the bunker was and remains Grey Wolf: The Escape of Adolf Hitler, and its success has spawned others, like that of far-right conspiracist Jerome Corsi, prominent proponent of the swiftboat claims about John Kerry, birther claims about Barack Obama, and claims of Deep State conspiracy against the Trump administration, and most recently, a whole book full of climate change denialism, a book distributed by Simon & Schuster –come on, Simon & Schuster. If you’re going to sell harmful garbage like that, at least try to balance it out by giving me a book deal! And not to be outdone by conspiracist book publishers, the History Channel has been back in the game with Hunting Hitler, which they gave three full seasons and a feature-length special between 2015 and 2020. If there is anything that making this podcast has taught me, it’s that the History Channel is perhaps the world’s biggest promoter of pseudohistory and conspiracist nonsense, second only to that one aunty who shares fake news on social media, perhaps, but far more sinister because of their perceived authority. The truth of the matter is, though, that rumors of Hitler’s survival, many of which these books and programs repeat as though they represent evidence, go all the way back to the immediate aftermath of the fall of Berlin, and ironically, they seem to have originated with the very people who have claimed to possess physical evidence of Hitler’s death: the Soviets themselves.

The Fuhrerbunker before its destruction. Attribution: Bundesarchiv, Bild 183-V04744 / CC-BY-SA 3.0

On the 1st of May, 1945, Russians received an official message from Goebbels to the effect that Hitler had taken his own life and that power had been transferred others, including himself. He made no mention of the fact that he intended to kill himself as well. Stalin’s reaction is recorded in a reply message to his general in charge of the siege of Berlin: “So that’s the end of the bastard. Too bad he couldn’t be taken alive.” Efforts immediately turned to recovering his body. The next day, the Red Army finally penetrated the bunker and discovered the bodies of those who had killed themselves after Hitler and Eva Braun’s funeral: Generals Wilhelm Burgdorf and Hans Krebs, a head bodyguard of Hitler’s, Franz Schädle, and Joseph and Magda Goebbels. They also found the corpses of the six Goebbels children. The next day, they discovered more bodies in an oak water tank, and one of them, who had been shot right between the eyes, looked remarkably like Adolf Hitler, with the little mustache and everything. Soviets sent this corpse to Moscow, presuming it to be the Führer’s body. The day after that, as they sifted through the crater near the bunker exit, some legs were seen, but believing they had already recovered Hitler’s corpse, these burnt remains, which are now believed to have been Hitler and his wife, were covered back up. Only on the 5th of May did the search resume, after learning that the body they had discovered in the tank was probably that of Gustav Weler, a lookalike who had previously been arrested for impersonating Hitler and may have been executed and left as a decoy. So the burnt remains of a man and woman were removed from the crater. Russian intelligence services, who would capture and interrogate all the most important witnesses to Hitler’s death, would confirm that these bodies were those of Hitler and Eva Braun, and would collect further evidence, based on the testimony of Hitler’s dentists, to positively identify his corpse. Their forensic examination would assert that they both died of cyanide poisoning. All of this was kept as a state secret, however. The bodies themselves were spirited away by the Soviet counter-espionage group, SMERSH, and after their identification and autopsy, they were buried anonymously in the little German town of Rathenow. And then, strangely, despite accepting intelligence reports that confirmed Hitler’s death as well as the recovery and identification of his corpse, Joseph Stalin started telling the world that Hitler had escaped. He told the diplomatic representative of the new U.S. President, Harry Truman, that Hitler was in hiding, along with Joseph Goebbels and Martin Bormann, all of whom had escaped the bunker, something he must have known was certainly not accurate in the case of Goebbels. Then, at the Potsdam Conference in July, he suggested Hitler was hiding in Spain, or Japan, or perhaps in Chile or Argentina. His claims were carried to the world via sensational news reports. We see the birth of a myth here, as Stalin’s claims were thereafter trumpeted to the world by the eager press, and soon belief in Hitler’s escape from Berlin was widespread.

Why would Stalin start this rumor, knowing that his intelligence services believed they had discovered Hitler’s body?  Some have suggested that Stalin really believed what he claimed, that he doubted his own intelligence services’ reports or felt the autopsy results could not be relied on. However, the fact that he made similar claims about Goebbels, whose remains were certainly identified, and that he never even mentioned the existence of the remains as possibly being Hitler’s suggests he held some other motives. He treated the burned remains believed to be Hitler as a state secret from the beginning. His anti-espionage agency, SMERSH, actually stole the remains from the Soviet forces who had unearthed them, and the autopsy was conducted in secret. And later, he would have the remains secretly destroyed. All signs indicate that Stalin determined to use the knowledge of Hitler’s death as a disinformation tool. By suggesting he was being harbored by Franco in Spain or Perón in Argentina, he could direct the attention of his Western Allies against other dictators, fascist dictators that he disliked. At one point, when one of his generals slipped up and indicated that Hitler’s body had been identified, Stalin forced him to retract the statement, and had him instead state that “Now it is up to you British and Americans to find him.” He was purposely sending the Allies on a wild goose chase, keeping them busy and pitting them against other dictators. The Cold War was begun, and he wanted to destabilize his capitalist rivals. Eventually, Stalin even suggested that the British were harboring Hitler themselves in their zone of Berlin, and that was the last straw for British intelligence, who organized Hugh Trevor-Roper’s investigation in response. Even without the bunker witnesses, whom the Soviets still held, the British were able to discern that Hitler had killed himself and that the Russians were not telling all they knew. So they released their findings, hoping to force the hand of the Russians to acknowledge that they had evidence of Hitler’s demise. And it worked, though not exactly how they anticipated. The Soviet intelligence service, the NKVD, launched a new inquiry, returning to the Fühererbunker to photograph everything and search for further evidence. This initiative was called, in translation, “Operation Myth.”

The Fuhrerbunker after the fall of Berlin. Attribution: Bundesarchiv, Bild 183-M1204-318 / Donath, Otto / CC-BY-SA 3.0

The name of this Soviet operation itself has created plenty of confusion. Some have erroneously stated that “Operation Myth” was the name for Stalin’s disinformation campaign to make the world believe Hitler had survived, but that is not the case. Some suggest that the name indicate that the operation was intended to produce further disinformation, casting doubt on their findings, but more likely the name was meant to suggest that the operation would finally refute the growing myth of Hitler’s survival. In any case, their investigation collected further evidence of Hitler’s death, much of which contradicted the claims of their rival intelligence branch, SMERSH, who had asserted in their report that Hitler had killed himself with poison. They collected pieces of a couch with blood stains on it, which they tested and asserted were of Hitler’s blood type. Sifting through the earth of the crater from which the burnt remains believed to be Adolf Hitler and Eva Braun had been unearthed, they also discovered the skull fragment with the bullet hole in it that would cause such controversy years later. Finally, they hauled key witnesses out of their Soviet prisons to interrogate and cross-interrogate them again: Heinz Linge, Hitler’s valet, Hans Baur, his personal pilot, and Otto Günsche, his aide-de-camp. These were the witnesses in the bunker whom Hugh Trevor-Roper most wanted to question, and from them they confirmed that Hitler and Eva Braun had withdrawn to their room to kill themselves, that there was blood on the floor and wall afterward as well as the strong smell of almonds indicating the presence of cyanide poison, and that they afterward were carried out in blankets to be burned outside the bunker. Not all the witnesses recalled hearing a gunshot, but still, much of the evidence indicated perhaps some combination of poisoning and self-inflicted gunshot wound had occurred. But this did not accord well with SMERSH’s supposed autopsy findings that both had poisoned themselves, which findings may only have been what they believed Stalin wanted to hear, that Hitler had taken a coward’s death rather than a more soldierly death. When the NKVD operatives conducting Operation Myth requested access to the burnt remains so that they could conduct a new autopsy, their rivals in SMERSH refused, and since the remains would later be destroyed on orders from the Kremlin, it seemed it would be impossible to ever discern whether the skull fragment with the bullet hole in it found outside the bunker was indeed from the burnt remains discovered in the same place. And so, despite his own intelligence services conducting two separate investigations that both demonstrated that Hitler and Eva Braun killed themselves, using either poison or a pistol or both, Joseph Stalin single-handedly created the myth of Hitler’s survival, and Russia would not share its findings until long after the myth had spread across the world.

Starting later that summer, the Hitler survival rumor turned into something of a hysteria across the Atlantic, when Americans, believing the sensational news reports about Hitler’s escape filtering in from overseas, began suspecting everyone around them of being Hitler. The man next most responsible for the spread of the Hitler survival myth after Stalin was J. Edgar Hoover, who since we last left him had built up his BOI into a very powerful domestic surveillance and policing organization that had been renamed the FBI. As I noted in my previous episode on the Business Plot, Hoover was a fearmonger, constantly building up anxieties about an “enemy within” the country to justify his bureau’s existence and expand its investigatory powers. Some have suggested that he really was a paranoiac, citing his interest in UFOs, his promotion of the second Red Scare, et cetera, but it is not at all clear whether he really was paranoid about these supposed threats or if he only viewed them as useful threats he could point to when justifying the powers of his FBI. Like Stalin before him, it’s not certain whether he really believed Hitler was still alive or just used the rumor for propaganda purposes. What we do know is that as newspapers began printing articles about Hitler sightings in America, he devoted a great deal of manpower to investigating them, and when everyday people started writing to him personally about their supposed sightings of the Führer, he responded to them and investigated. He tasked something like a thousand agents with running down these supposed leads on Hitler, many of which can be read today from declassified FBI files obtained through Freedom of Information requests. Some were as simple as pet theories, like someone’s hunch that Hitler must be in New York because that would be a good city in which to hide, and some were just the sharing of newspaper articles that speculated about his survival. The National Police Gazette, which was something of a combination of what today we would consider a men’s lifestyle magazine and a tabloid rag, was the biggest purveyor of these theories and sightings. Then there were genuine leads, from people who claimed to know someone who had seen him or helped him, or to know where he was, though he looked different, having shaved his signature mustache or undergone plastic surgery. Conspiracy books like Grey Wolf make much use of these declassified FBI reports, as if each provides evidence of Hitler’s escape, when in fact, each contradictory report goes to prove that such sightings were false. And while conspiracists love to point to the tips the FBI received, they don’t typically follow up by discussing the FBI’s findings. Agents ran down every lead they received and never found convincing evidence of Hitler’s presence in the U.S. Rather, as with their intelligence services counterparts, who were also investigating such rumors, they found that each lead could be attributed to hysteria, a desire to create a sensation, a sympathy for Nazism leading to attempts to create a myth about Hitler triumphing by surviving, a hope of receiving money for false information, the intention to falsely accuse someone that was disliked as in a witch hunt, and good old-fashioned mental illness.

Photo of the skull fragment purported to be from Hitler’s remains. Courtesy University of Connecticut.

Many of the supposed Hitler sightings from that era and the conspiracist scenarios that abound in media today revolve around Argentina, where the dictator Juan Perón, who had received money from the Nazi regime, might have been amenable to harboring them, and where there was a thriving German expatriate community in place. So numerous were the rumors that Hitler had been smuggled by submarine to Argentina and was living in lakeside luxury in Patagonia that J. Edgar Hoover actually sent FBI agents to Argentina to investigate. On its surface, this theory hold some merit because there were known escape routes, known as ratlines, for Nazis fleeing Europe, and Argentina did harbor some extremely high level Nazis, including Adolph Eichmann, a major architect of the Holocaust, and Joseph Mengele, a ghoulish doctor who performed horrifying experiments on concentration camp prisoners and was called the Angel of Death. However, in order to even entertain the notion that Hitler escaped via ratline to Argentina, we must disregard the evidence for his suicide that came to light following Hugh Trevor-Roper’s investigation and has continued to come to light ever since, which I will try to sum up shortly. It is true that some present in the bunker did flee after the suicides, but none actually escaped. For a long time, it was rumored that Martin Bormann, the head of the Nazi party chancellery, who did indeed flee the bunker, had escaped the Allies. Because of this, he was tried for war crimes in absentia at Nuremberg, but eventually, this rumor too was laid to rest with the discovery of his remains in 1965, remains that were confirmed by DNA testing to be Bormann’s in 1998. Thus there is no evidence that Hitler or other major figures present in the Führerbunker escaped to Argentina, and as the FBI and historians since have determined, all the accounts of Hitler’s presence in Argentina were unreliable hearsay reports about some suspicious German expatriate or other, perhaps even an escaped Nazi like Eichmann or Mengele, but not Hitler himself. Yet that has not stopped conspiracists like the authors of Grey Wolf or the producers of Hunting Hitler from spinning yarns about Hitler and Eva Braun settling in some picturesque lakeside mansion and raising a daughter together while Hitler plotted a “Fourth Reich,” all of which is pure fantasy.

The evidence overwhelmingly favors Hitler dying by suicide and being burned outside his bunker, as Linge, Baur, and Günsche all independently swore under grueling interrogation to have happened. Beyond this eyewitness testimony, though, there is the further record of Hitler’s will, dictated inside the bunker and recovered by British and American intelligence in the aftermath of the fall of Berlin, which specifically states his intention to die, or “to choose death voluntarily,” rather than be taken by enemies and being tried in some sort of “a spectacle arranged by Jews.” Witnesses in the bunker also describe Hitler’s dread at learning what had become of Benito Mussolini, whose corpse had been hung by its feet in Milan and mutilated, a fate that, according to Hans Baur, he greatly feared. Psychologically, it seems, Hitler was quite capable of suicide. As we have seen, he encouraged it among his followers. Surely Joseph and Magda Goebbels, for example, would not have taken their lives of their six children and killed themselves if they were not certain that their beloved Führer was already dead. And this Nazi tendency to suicide was not just a product of the dreadful situation within the bunker. The SS were known for their use of cyanide ampoules, and Hitler even encouraged soldiers on the front to turn their weapons on themselves rather than surrender. Suicide was viewed as a loyal act by the Nazis. Add to this Hitler’s unimaginable ego, which many believed would not allow him to go from being the belligerent dictator of millions to living the obscure life of a country hermit, and we may see the further appeal that suicide held for him. Lastly, Hitler was not a well man, and the statements of witnesses in the Führerbunker emphasize his dramatic deterioration during his last days. He had long suffered from digestive problems, perhaps due to IBS or colitis, and there are indications that his tremors, his stooping, and his shuffling walk may have been the result of Parkinson’s or late-stage syphilis. These issues cause us to doubt that Hitler was physically well enough to escape by fleeing through the city, beset as it was by Soviet forces. We further know that he was something of a hypochondriac and drug addict, taking a great many narcotic medications, including cocaine solutions and intravenous methamphetamines, along with testosterone injections, which in combination could very easily have contributed to suicidal ideation under these extreme circumstances.

Images of the teeth and jaw fragment held in Russian archives. Fair Use.

Finally, we must remember that, despite those who cry “produce the body,” the fundamental right of habeus corpus actually refers to producing the body of a prisoner being detained to allow claims of unlawful imprisonment. It does not mean that physical remains are the only way to prove a death. Nevertheless, even though Soviets destroyed the remains believed to be Hitler and Eva Braun, Soviet records of the bodies remain, as do some crucial pieces of physical evidence. First, the skull fragment with the bullet hole. It is true that we haven’t absolutely confirmed this fragment belonged to one of the corpses recovered, but it’s also true that the 2009 claim that it belonged to a young woman has been challenged. Russian archivists assert that the History Channel was never permitted to handle or take a sample of the skull, even providing evidence in the form of their visitor logs, and History Channel representatives have been cagey about the provenance of the sample tested by University of Connecticut archaeologist Nicholas Bellantoni. Moreover, famed French paleopathologist Philippe Charlier did later examine the skull fragment, as chronicled in the 2018 work The Death of Hitler: The Final Word, and rejected the notion that Bellantoni could possibly determine the sex or age of the remains based solely on the density and sutures visible on the skull fragment, and confirmed that the bullet hole looked consistent with an exit word from a bullet being fired into the temple, as Heinz Linge had stated, and that the skull fragment showed definite signs of having been burned at high temperatures and buried beneath soil for some time. He also determined, based on the witness testimony, the photographic evidence, and analysis of the blood spattered furniture fragments in Russian archives, that evidence from the scene of the suicide corroborates the idea that Hitler shot himself in the side of the head, further suggesting that there may be a way to make certain of this and to determine once and for all whether the skull fragment belonged to the burned corpse that had been destroyed decades earlier.

As it turns out, the teeth and a portion of the jaw taken from those burned remains that were recovered from the crater and identified by Hitler’s dentist as belonging to him remained in a separate archive of Soviet records, further demonstrating how divided the investigation had been between rival Soviet intelligence agencies. Charlier suggested that the teeth could be matched to the skull fragment, and if there were no trace of gunpowder on them, a case could be made that Hitler shot himself, not in the mouth as some said, but in the temple as Linge had said, and that the teeth could further be tested for traces of cyanide. With the help of the authors who had worked to get him access to the separate archives, Charlier was able to examine the teeth and jaw fragment as well. His findings were published in 2018 in the European Journal of Internal Medicine. Morphological analysis showed that the jaw may belong to the same remains as the skull fragment, that no gunpowder residue was present on the teeth, and that there is evidence consistent with the interaction of cyanide with the fillings. These findings are not certain, as DNA testing would be required to determine with any certainty that the skull fragment and jaw were from the same individual, and that individual’s cause of death still cannot be pinpointed as either self-inflicted gunshot or cyanide poisoning, but it must be remembered that the teeth were identified, in detail, by Hitler’s dentists, who drew pictures of not only his teeth but also the unusual dental prosthesis they installed for him. Furthermore, Charlier was able to compare them to x-rays of Hitler’s face that had since been discovered, allowing him to confirm they were Hitler’s teeth and jaw. This, in conjunction with the overwhelming amount of witness testimony, is enough to prove to any but the most congenitally distrustful that Hitler did not effect some daring or triumphant escape, but rather that he died a coward’s death in a hole in the ground, taking women and children with him. And it is very telling that Bellantoni, the archaeologist who claimed to have debunked the skull fragment, as well as the “experts” interviewed on Hunting History, all publicly denied actually believing that Hitler survived the bunker after the 2018 publication of Charlier’s findings. According to them, they weren’t actually saying Hitler had escaped. They had been careful not to say that. Rather, they were just happy to pour fuel on the fires of conspiracy delusions and to enjoy the publicity and the money with which the History Channel rewarded them.

The x-ray of Hitler that allowed the final definitive identification of his remains. Courtesy the National Library of Medicine.

Until next time, remember that the History Channel can be ranked alongside Joseph Stalin as one of history’s biggest promoters of lies. Come at me, History Channel… unless you want to give me a lucrative programming deal. Then let’s talk.

Further Reading

Brisard, Jean-Christophe, and Lana Parshina. The Death of Hitler: The Final Word. Translated by Shaun Whiteside, Da Capo Press, 2018. 

Charlier, Philippe, et al. “The Remains of Adolf Hitler: A Biomedical Analysis and Definitive Identification.” European Journal of Medicine, vol. 54, no. 2, May 2018, DOI:10.1016/j.ejim.2018.05.014. ResearchGate, www.researchgate.net/publication/325220862_The_remains_of_Adolf_Hitler_A_biomedical_analysis_and_definitive_identification.

Daly-Groves, Luke. Hitler’s Death: The Case Against Conspiracy. Osprey Publishing, 2019.

Evans, Richard J. The Hitler Conspiracies. Oxford University Press, 2020.

McHale, Donald M. Hitler: The Survival Myth. Scarborough Books, 1983.

The Lindbergh Baby Kidnapping - Part Two: Cemetery John

In September of 1934, a bank teller in the Bronx checked a gold certificate he’d received against the key provided by the Bureau of Investigation and discovered that it was one of the Lindbergh kidnapping ransom bills. He contacted the BOI. This was not in itself a major break in the Lindbergh case. Numerous gold certificates had been passed in Manhattan, Brooklyn, and the Bronx, such that investigators had a map of New York City up and had placed pins in all the places where the kidnapper seemed to have spent the ransom money. Most had been in either the Bronx or Upper Manhattan. What made this incident different was that a license plate number had been written on the bill. It had been passed at a gas station, and BOI investigators assumed that the attendant had been following the instructions sent out earlier that year to take down the license of anyone passing a bill whose serial number matched the list of ransom bills. In fact, when they spoke to the attendant, he actually hadn’t checked the note against the key to see if it was a ransom bill. He had written down the license number merely because he didn’t see many gold notes anymore and suspected it could be counterfeit. Either way, authorities had the license, and it led them to Richard Hauptmann, a German-born carpenter living in the Bronx. Everything fit. They knew that Cemetery John spoke with a German accent, and they suspected, based on the pattern of where the ransom bills had been spent and the fact that he had chosen Condon as intermediary presumably after reading Condon’s ad in the Bronx Home News, that he lived in the Bronx. They even suspected that he may have been a carpenter, because of the homemade ladder and the drawing he had provided for the construction of the moneybox for the ransom payoff. In fact, a forensic botanist had even traced the wood used to make the ladder to a lumber mill only 10 blocks from Hauptmann’s address, and his home was very centrally located in regards to all the meeting places that Cemetery John had chosen. They obtained a warrant and staked out Hauptmann’s home, waiting to arrest him when he left the house in hopes that he may have some ransom bills on his person. They followed his Dodge sedan as he drove toward Manhattan, and then stopped him, pulling him from behind the wheel and searching him at gunpoint. Sure enough, he had one of the ransom bills on him. “I was afraid of inflation, like in Germany, so I saved them,” he said regarding the gold certificate, private possession of which had become officially illegal back in December. Taking Hauptmann back to his home, the officers commenced searching the residence while Hauptmann’s frightened wife demanded to know what he had done. It was only because of some gambling trouble he had run into, Hauptmann reassured her in German, unaware that one of the police officers present could understand him. Hauptmann and his wife had a nearly one-year-old boy, whom his wife, Anna, took to a neighbor’s house while investigators ransacked his nursery. While they searched the house, Hauptmann’s landlady turned over some more ransom bills that he had passed to her, explaining that he had been paying his rent in gold certificates for around nine months. This would prove to be just the tip of the mountain of evidence that would eventually be accumulated to convict Richard Hauptmann. And added to it was the fact that he looked strikingly like the facial composite sketch based on John Condon’s memory of the man they called Cemetery John.

Those who believe Hauptmann to have been innocent point to the fact that the case against him was circumstantial, that John Condon would not identify him in a lineup, and under grueling and endless interrogation, during which he was denied food and sleep, he maintained his absolute innocence and gave a ready answer for anything investigators had on him. However, much of what was learned about Richard Hauptmann, whose first name was actually Bruno, seemed to cement his guilt. He had come to America from Germany, after more than one failed attempt, by stowing away on a ship. He insisted he had no criminal record in Germany, but eventually the German authorities informed investigators that he had been arrested numerous times for burglary and had done time in prison for grand larceny. Indeed, one of his burglaries involved using a ladder to climb into the second story window of a well-known person’s home, the house of the mayor of Bernhruch. In America, Hauptmann found work as a carpenter, and indeed, he admitted that he had for a time worked at the lumber mill to which the wood used to make the ladder had been traced, and that he had also bought wood from there. He told interrogators that he was doing carpentry work at a hotel on the day of the kidnapping, but investigators discovered that he actually didn’t start working there until 20 days after the kidnapping and that he quit on the very day the ransom money was paid to Cemetery John. Moreover, Hauptmann himself admitted that he had not worked as a carpenter since then but instead had been investing money in the stock market. It was his broker’s office in Manhattan to which he so frequently had driven. He had invested some $25,000 into stocks, money he supposedly had come by in buying and selling furs with a partner named Isidor Fisch, another German who conveniently could not corroborate Hauptmann’s explanation, as he had recently died of tuberculosis back in Germany. This mysterious Fisch fellow would prove to be very important to Hauptmann’s defense

Hauptmann smiling for cameras in his jail cell.

These simple circumstances of Hauptmann’s life may have looked quite bad for him, but worse than these were the pieces of hard evidence discovered in his home. He claimed never to have built or used a ladder in his work as a carpenter, but investigators found a sketch of his depicting a design for just such a ladder, showing how a rung might be attached to two rails. Moreover, police later discovered that in Hauptmann’s attic, one of the floor planks had been cut, and the wood grain matched one of the rails of the ladder used in the kidnapping: it appeared Hauptmann had scavenged some of the wood for the ladder from his rental. In his tool chest, Hauptmann had a set of chisels like the one found at the scene of the kidnapping, and more than that, the three-quarter inch chisel, the very size found beneath the nursery window, was missing from his set. Police seized notebooks with many examples of Hauptmann’s handwriting and had him write out numerous samples while in custody. It was apparent by the way his handwriting was inconsistent even within the same paragraph that he was trying to disguise his writing style, but regardless, more than one handwriting expert declared with certainty that he had written all the ransom notes, including the one left at the scene. And on the side of a closet door frame in his home, the smudged telephone number of John Condon was discovered, written in pencil. But of course, most damning of all was his possession of ransom bills. Investigators had found only a few on Hauptmann’s person at the time of his arrest, but were given a few more by his landlady, and knew he had passed one bill at a gas station. Hauptmann claimed the bills must have come into his possession through his business dealings, so it was important to tie him more unambiguously to the rest of the ransom money or by witnesses to the ransom payoff or the crime itself. While Condon equivocated about identifying Hauptmann in a lineup, the box office attendant at a theater where some ransom notes had been passed did positively identify him, as did the taxi driver who had delivered one of Cemetery John’s messages to Condon’s house. Moreover, two witnesses from Hopewell who claimed to have seen a vehicle near the Lindbergh property with a ladder in the backseat both identified Hauptmann as the driver. But the coup de grâce came when investigators searched the detached garage in which Hauptmann kept his car. He had painted the building fresh and padlocked it, and he had even run a wire from the garage all the way to his bedroom, where he could flip a switch and illuminate the little structure, seemingly as a kind of alarm. Investigators suspected the ransom money was in this garage from the start, as Hauptmann kept glancing nervously out the window at it while they were searching his home. At first, finding loose floorboards and disturbed soil beneath, they thought he had buried the money, but they found only an empty jar there, perhaps a former hiding spot for some of the money. Eventually, though investigators noticed some boards attached between joists, behind which had been constructed hidden shelves holding parcels of gold notes, wrapped in newspaper or hidden in cans. And later, after dismantling much of the garage, they found a two-by-four with holes drilled into it containing a pistol and more ransom bills, all in all totaling more than $14,000. When Hauptmann had been arrested and interrogated, the general belief had been that he was probably just one member of a kidnapping gang, but as his assets were tallied, including his stock market speculations, his bank deposits, the bills known to have been passed and circulated already, and the thousands found in his garage, it appeared that the entirety of the $50,000 ransom had been in his possession, making it very likely that he was the sole kidnapper.

When confronted with his possession of the ransom, Hauptmann said that it belonged to the enigmatic Isidor Fisch, his partner in fur trading. He said that when Isidor had gone to Germany, he had left behind a shoebox full of the gold notes, and that Hauptmann had only been spending money from it that Fisch owed him from loans. No one was buying this story, though, which since Fisch’s death in Europe could not be corroborated. Even confronted with so much evidence, Hauptmann remained steadfast under continued interrogation and did not confess. But by this time, authorities felt they had a strong enough case against Hauptmann even without a confession. The Trial of the Century began less than four months after Hauptmann’s arrest. The prosecution presented the evidence of the ransom money in his possession, the proof that he had constructed the ladder, the evidence that he had written the notes, which relied not only on handwriting analysis but also linguistic evidence in the form of Hauptmann’s consistent misspelling of words, and his positive identification by numerous witnesses—including Condon, who waited until the trial to identify him. Although a defendant found guilty of kidnapping would not typically have been sentenced to death, the prosecution argued that, even if the child’s death were accidental, since it had occurred during the committing of what was essentially a burglary, Hauptmann should be found guilty of first-degree murder. Hauptmann’s defense team challenged the validity of witness testimony and handwriting experts, further alleging police negligence in the investigation. Concentrating on his alibi, Hauptmann claimed that, though he wouldn’t actually start his job at the hotel for a few weeks, he had reported there on the day of the kidnapping, now saying he had mistaken his start date, which his employer could not confirm. To explain why he quit this job the same day Lindbergh paid the ransom, he said it had been due to a dispute over his salary. As for his whereabouts on the night Condon handed the money to Cemetery John, he said he was home playing music with his wife and a friend, which his wife and the friend confirmed, though under cross-examination his wife seemed less convincing and his friend admitted he wasn’t certain of the exact day. The defense insisted that police had coerced Hauptmann into creating the handwriting sample that would match the notes, though many of the samples used had been taken from existing pieces of writing and even in the courtroom Hauptmann continued to misspell words in such a way that they matched the ransom notes. The ransom money in his possession had been Isidor Fisch’s, he maintained, and in addition to Fisch, the defense named others they believed were more likely to be conspirators, such as the nursemaid, Betty Gow, or perhaps a certain servant at Anne Morrow Lindbergh’s family estate in Englewood, Violet Sharpe, around whom had swirled numerous rumors. And lastly, what about John Condon, the retired schoolteacher who had insinuated himself into the case and had been the only one to actually see Cemetery John, who had refused to identify Hauptmann in a lineup but then during the trial had changed his tune and fingered him as Cemetery John. The doubts cast by his defense team did not work on the jury, who found Hauptmann guilty of murder, but they convinced some following the case that he may indeed be innocent, such as Eleanor Roosevelt and Harold Hoffman, the Governor of New Jersey, who would postpone Hauptmann’s execution, urging further investigation. Eventually, though, more than a year after the verdict, Hauptmann’s appeals all failed and he was executed by electric shock.

Newspaper clipping with picture of witnesses who came from Germany to testify that Isidor Fisch had nothing to do with the kidnapping.

Hauptmann’s claims about Isidor Fisch have been roundly refuted. While the defense managed to find some witnesses to suggest he might have been Cemetery John, it was clear that the feeble, ailing Fisch did not match Condon’s physical description of the man who could so agilely jump graveyard fences and take such fast flight when spooked. Meanwhile, the prosecution produced multiple witnesses who swore that Isidor Fisch was at a certain friend’s house on the night of the kidnapping. Moreover, in the spring of 1933, when he would have been riding high on the hog like Hauptmann certainly seems to have been, Fisch appears to have been destitute. Fisch’s landlady testified that he consistently had trouble paying his rent and the BOI discovered that he had been sleeping on Manhattan park benches. Thereafter, increasingly ill, he left the country for Germany, and his sister, who also testified at Hauptmann’s trial, swore that he arrived in Leipzig with little money and only a few belongings. Add to that the fact that no ransom bills ever turned up in Germany, and it becomes an impossible-to-believe claim. It was not just far-fetched that Fisch had been involved, but also extremely implausible that he had absent-mindedly forgotten to take all of the ransom money with him when leaving the country. Even if he knew he was dying, you’d think he would take it with him to leave to his sister, who was taking him in. And Fisch’s poverty casts further doubt on Hauptmann’s claims of having made significant money with him, speculating in furs. And what’s more, the Fisch story falling apart proves that Hauptmann was coolly lying not only under interrogation, but under examination at the trial as well. His casting of doubt on John Condon, however, is a bit less easily dismissed. Many had been and continue to be suspicious of John Condon, who insinuated himself into the drama and then became the only person to have seen Cemetery John. Indeed,  police at one point leaned on Condon, trying to get him to confess to lying about the whole ransom exchange and the phantom boat, the Nelly, which had never been found. Patrons of the show know from a recent exclusive minisode that another man, John Hughes Curtis, who had also claimed to be in contact with kidnappers and had similarly led Lindbergh on a wild goose chase after a schooner off the coast of Virginia, did confess to having perpetrated a hoax. However, unlike Curtis, Condon had received letters with Hauptmann’s telltale handwriting and spelling errors, signed with the distinct symbol to prove it was from the kidnappers. Moreover, after the payoff, there is no evidence that Condon ever had any of the ransom bills in his possession or was passing them, whereas there is ample evidence of Hauptmann having received the ransom, spent much of it, and hidden the rest. Even if Hauptmann was not suggesting Condon was involved, though, he was making much of Condon’s refusal to identify him, claiming this proved he was not Cemetery John. However, there is some explanation of this. Condon actually did indicate during the lineup that Hauptmann resembled Cemetery John, but he declared that he would hold his identification “in abeyance for the present,” which of course, is not how police lineups work, which officers told him, one of them shouting, “Either you can pick the man or you can’t!” One possible reason for this refusal to cooperate is that Condon, known to be melodramatic and to enjoy attention, wanted to wait for the trial so as to provide a sensational moment in the courtroom when he did finally identify Hauptmann. Another is that he was exacting some measure of revenge against the authorities who had not long ago treated him as a suspect. And lastly, there is the distinct possibility that Condon, who had spent the last year and a half examining an endless number of similar German-speaking suspects in mugshots and lineups, simply wasn’t certain. But this is not evidence that Hauptmann was not Cemetery John, especially when other witnesses, like the taxi-driver used as a message courier, did positively identify him. Rather, it just meant that Condon was simply not that strong an eyewitness.

Among the several persistent doubts about the case today is the idea that Hauptmann was only one member of a kidnap gang. From the very beginning, it was presumed by many that there had been more than one kidnapper. In fact, we hear it stated in newsreels as though it is fact. One persistent myth is that there were two sets of footprints at the scene of the crime, but in fact, the report of the New Jersey State Police who examined the scene does not mention two sets of footprints at all. Some have claimed that the ladder was too difficult to assemble and use alone, that Hauptmann must have had someone there to help him and perhaps hold it in place. However, one may assume that the man who built the ladder would be capable of assembling it, and examination of the crime scene showed, based on rubbing marks below the nursery window, that only two sections of the ladder were used. Moreover, there was evidence that the ladder broke and the kidnapper may have fallen, perhaps in the process killing the baby, which would further accord with the idea that no one else had been present to hold the sections of the ladder in place while the kidnapper descended. Nevertheless, the persistent assumption that the kidnapper did not act alone has led to many elaborate theories. Take the 2012 book Cemetery John by Robert Zorn. In it, the author presents a complicated case that two other German residents of the Bronx were Hauptmann’s co-conspirators, based mostly on the fact that his father, who had been neighbors with the men as a teen, recalled hearing the two men talk to a third man in German, and remembered them using the words “Bruno,” Hauptmann’s actual first name, and “Englewood,” the town where the Lindberghs usually stayed with Anne’s family, the Morrows, while their Hopewell home was being built. From this conversation, remembered in the 1960s and only shared with the author in the 1980s, Zorn weaves a large web, claiming that his father’s neighbor was Cemetery John, because, among other things, he was named John, because he lived in the Bronx just like Hauptmann, because his handwriting and accent also matched, and because he left America for Germany after Hauptmann was arrested and did not return until after his execution, at which time he opened some delis. He presumes a connection to Hauptmann without evidence, assuming they might have looked each other up because they were both from the same town in Germany. He makes a convincing case that his Cemetery John matched Condon’s description better than Hauptmann did because of a certain fleshy mass on his thumb, though when you realize that his evidence comes down to a blurry photo and a niece confirming privately to him the presence of a growth on his thumb, you start to realize his evidence is not ironclad. He presents the man’s trip to Germany as a kind of panicked flight, but in reality, he didn’t leave until the day of Hauptmann’s conviction. If he were really concerned about Hauptmann dropping the dime on him, why wouldn’t he have left five months earlier, when Hauptmann was arrested? And the man’s opening of some delis upon his return from Germany is presented as evidence that he was spending ransom money, but it must be remembered that no other person was ever caught in possession of the ransom money like Hauptmann was, and there is strong indication that the majority of the ransom money had either been spent by him, invested by him, or hidden by him. Add to that the fact that no ransom money was ever discovered to have been passed in Germany, and after Hauptmann’s trial and execution no further ransom money ever turned up, and it is clear that Zorn’s claims, while intriguing, lack much merit. 

The image Robert Zorn claims in Cemetery John shows clearly that his suspect had the lumpy thumb that proves he was the real culprit. Reproduced under the doctrine of “fair use.”

Both at the time of the initial investigation and ever since, many suspected that a household staffer must have been an accomplice, perhaps telling Hauptmann that the Lindberghs would be at their unfinished estate that week, identifying which window would give him access to the nursery and what time to make the attempt. However, witness statements indicate that Hauptmann may have been casing the Hopewell mansion, and staff testimony indicates that, if he had been watching, he would have had no trouble figuring out which was the nursery window. It seems that, the day before the kidnapping, Mrs. Lindbergh had been strolling the grounds and stopped to toss some pebbles at the nursery window to get the nursemaid Betty Gow’s attention. Indeed, an additional, smaller footprint that appears to have caused some of the confusion about multiple sets of footprints was believed by police to have been left by Mrs. Lindbergh. Hearing the tap of the pebble, Betty Gow came to the window, carrying the baby, and moved his little arm to make him wave down to his mother. So it was entirely possible for Hauptmann to have spied out which window to enter without ever colluding with any servants. But unsurprisingly, as she had been in the nursery the most and had discovered the crime, Betty Gow became the person the police were most interested in at first. She had received a phone call from her boyfriend a half hour before the kidnapping. Had that been a signal? Had she hastily sewn together the baby’s flannel undershirt to ensure he would be warm when taken out into the cold? They questioned Gow, determining that she had no ties to the organized crime syndicates involved in the so-called “snatch racket,” and they interrogated her boyfriend, finding only an empty milk bottle in his car to suggest he might have had a baby in it, which he explained by saying he simply liked to drink milk and often emptied a bottle while driving. In short, there was nothing on Gow. Likewise, as if to indulge in the trope of the butler having done it, the good names of the Whateleys were dragged through the mud in newspaper stories suggesting their involvement, even though the investigation turned up no reason to suspect they had anything to do with the kidnapping. The suspicion then spread beyond the Hopewell staff to the staff of the Morrow household in Englewood, where the Lindberghs had been staying, with the idea that a servant there may have known when they were staying in Hopewell. Suspicion fell especially on Violet Sharpe, who seemed nervous and evasive in her first interview, though she explained her demeanor herself, expressing resentment that they were even questioning her about the crime. Because of her reaction to initial questioning, though, Sharpe became a principal suspect early in the police investigation.

Police suspicion was further piqued by the fact that Violet Sharpe had been out on a date to the movies with a man she said she barely knew on the night of the kidnapping. When pressed for his name, she claimed not to remember it, as she had only met him on the street the day before their date and had not seen him since. Indeed, she even resisted naming the movie they had seen or even describing it, saying they had no right to pry into her private life. In her second interview, she changed her story and said they had gone to a speakeasy, but couldn’t remember just where it was. This time she recalled that her date’s first name was Ernie. Police eventually came to believe that her Ernie was a certain known thief named Ernie Brinkert, whose business card they had discovered in Sharpe’s room, and Violet actually positively identified him, but police were baffled when this Brinkert produced an ironclad alibi, proving that he was neither the kidnapper nor the man who took Violet out that night. Following the discovery of the baby’s remains, Violet was interrogated further, grilled more and more harshly. Eventually, saying she would not endure further interrogation, she killed herself, drinking cyanide chloride, which was kept in the house to clean silver. Of course, at the time, and ever since, her suicide was looked at as proof that she was involved or knew more than she was saying, as is always the case with deaths surrounding much-debated and publicized crimes like this. The fact is, though, that police would go on to track down her Ernie, who confirmed her story that he had taken her to a roadhouse called the Peanut Grill that night, and police further confirmed this alibi with others present at the speakeasy. It became clearer and clearer that Violet Sharpe had only lied and been evasive in her first interview because she didn’t want it known that she was frequenting speakeasies. And afterward, when she incorrectly identified Brinkert, police had been interrogating her against her doctor’s wishes just after a surgery to remove infected adenoids and tonsils. She had been weak, having wasted away and become thin during her hospitalization, and was even running a fever. In addition, she was greatly depressed following the news that the baby had been killed, and had even written a letter to a friend in England saying that “life is getting so sad I really don’t think there is much to live for any more.” Add to that the humiliation and emotional distress of being roughly interrogated by police and made to feel that everyone believed she was responsible for the baby’s death, and we might better understand why she was driven to take her own life. Even though the Morrows and the Lindberghs continually insisted that neither Violet nor any other household staff member was involved, the police kept pushing Violet Sharpe until she was over the edge. She is often considered the second victim of the Lindbergh Kidnapping Case.

An example of the news coverage of suspicion of Violet Sharpe. Reproduced under the doctrine of “fair use.”

Claims of conspiracy within the family’s household have not remained limited to the staff, either. Some have gone so far as to theorize that the Lindberghs themselves might have been involved, and that the kidnapping was a hoax. Among the first to make such claims were Gregory Ahlgren and Stephen Monier in their 1993 work, Crime of the Century: The Lindbergh Kidnapping Hoax, in which they suggest that Lindbergh, who was fond of rough play and practical jokes, may have accidentally killed his own son and then concocted the kidnapping as a cover-up. They offer no actual evidence for the claim, relying only on insinuation, suggesting that Lindbergh had his baby’s remains cremated quickly in order to avoid an autopsy, when of course the baby’s remains did undergo an autopsy, conducted by Dr. Charles H. Mitchell of the county coroner’s office. Next came novelist Noel Behn’s 1994 book Lindbergh: The Crime, which retreads a conspiracy claim that first appeared during Hauptmann’s appeals, when he had the New Jersey governor’s ear and numerous alternative theories were being bandied about to see what stuck. The claim is that the Eaglet, or Baby Lindy, as newspapers frequently called him, was actually killed in an act of revenge by Anne Morrow Lindbergh’s emotionally troubled sister, Elizabeth, who had apparently been in love with Charles and felt spurned when he chose to marry her sister. Yet again, though, the work is short on actual evidence, citing records that show Elizabeth, an emotionally unstable family member, was being sheltered from press scrutiny after the kidnapping, which of course is hardly surprising. The claim that she had hurt the boy originates from a lawyer who was investigating the matter for the governor, who at 93 years old confided in private discussion with the author that another Morrow household servant had implicated Elizabeth, though in all the extensive police interrogation of the staff, there is no record of this. And finally, there is Lise Pearlman’s 2020 book The Lindbergh Kidnapping Suspect No. 1: The Man Who Got Away, which posits, unbelievably, that Charles Lindbergh purposely sedated his child and surrendered him to a fanatical surgeon for eugenicist experimentation. Certainly Lindbergh knew this surgeon, and certainly the doctor’s influence would lead him to embrace eugenicist thought, which in turn would eventually lead to Lindbergh’s well-known Nazi sympathies and anti-Semitism, but again, there just isn’t evidence to support it, and in fact, there is ample evidence from Anne Morrow Lindbergh’s letters to demonstrate how much Charles loved his son. All of these conspiracy claims suggest that, to cover up the death of his child, Charles Lindbergh launched a nationwide news sensation, which seems rather counterproductive. They claim that Lindbergh personally taking over the investigation before the discovery of his son’s remains was a way for him to control the cover-up, yet he doggedly followed every lead and tirelessly saw every wild goose chase through to its conclusion. And all reports indicate the extreme emotional distress that he and Anne were suffering during this time. Think, for example, of Condon’s description of Charles’s hands trembling when he opened Cemetery John’s letter to find out the location of his son. Furthermore, for any of these conspiracy theories to have been true, it would mean that numerous people, including the household staff who had been so thoroughly interrogated that one of them was driven to kill herself, were in on it and took the secret to their graves. I have little sympathy for the Nazi apologist that Charles Lindbergh would eventually become, but I sympathize with him immensely as a parent who lost his infant child, and none of these outlandish claims, all of them cooked up to sell books, do I find the least bit convincing.

Many of the claims that Hauptmann was innocent rely on assertions that the police investigation was flawed or negligent or even a fraud. There is no reason to believe that, for example, police planted evidence in Hauptmann’s home. Hauptmann claimed that he had not written Condon’s phone number on his closet wall, but of course the really damning evidence was the ransom money that Hauptmann had stashed around his garage, and he never claimed police had planted that. He copped to possessing it, offering only the lame excuse that it belonged to a friend. However, it should be acknowledged that there were definite missteps in the police investigation. Because there was no discernible tread in either the footprints or the nearby tire tracks, police just photographed them and didn’t bother making plaster casts, but they didn’t properly record their measurements, instead eyeballing them using a flashlight for scale. After the baby’s remains were discovered so near the Lindbergh home, critics questioned why the police had not properly searched all the woods in the few square miles around the house, or why they had not used bloodhounds. The head of the State Police said dogs had not been available, but this was shown to be untrue. The real reason was that he incorrectly believed that the crowds and the rain would have prevented the dogs from picking up a scent. But Hanlon’s razor, “Never attribute to malice that which is adequately explained by stupidity,” should show us that this is not evidence of a police cover-up. The police were often blamed for heedlessly destroying evidence at the crime scene, with one writer, Henry Morton Robinson, claiming they were “trampling every clue into the March mud, systematically covering with impenetrable layers of stupidity every fingerprint, footprint, dust trace on the estate.” But this is a myth. They were in some regards neglectful, but otherwise made every effort to preserve evidence before the arrival of the real culprits, the throngs of reporters and looky-loos who almost certainly did corrupt the crime scene. Additionally, when Hauptmann was put in a lineup for Condon and others to identify, authorities appear to have simply thrown their suspect in among a group of policemen who looked nothing like him in build or features, providing another reason why perhaps Condon was at first loath to identify him, if it seemed the police were trying to rush the identification. However, none of these criticisms overturn the persuasive evidence of the ladder, the handwriting, and his possession of the ransom money.

Handwriting evidence from the trial, via HistoricalTrialTranscripts.com

Trial evidence of from Hauptmann’s attic, proving he had assembled the ladder, via HistoricalTrialTranscripts.com

A concession should be made that there is some compelling reason to entertain the idea that Hauptmann may have had an accomplice whom he never gave up. Around the deadline for surrendering gold certificates to the treasury, about $3000 in gold notes from the ransom payoff were passed by someone who wrote the name J.J. Faulkner on a deposit slip. The address provided had been fake, and no description of the person was ever obtained. We might simply presume that this was Hauptmann, except for the fact that the handwriting on the deposit slip did not match Hauptmann’s. Of course, this has led to extensive theorizing, especially since, during Hauptmann’s final appeals, a letter to the governor arrived, signed by J. J. Faulkner, claiming Hauptmann was innocent. Now, there are claims that the handwriting in this letter matched the deposit slip and matched the ransom notes, but these claims were made by a private eye working to exonerate Hauptmann and were not supported by handwriting experts. Moreover, it makes no sense to claim that the writing in the Faulkner letter matched that in the Faulkner deposit slip and the ransom notes, since it was determined that the handwriting on the deposit slip and the ransom notes did not match. One has only to read Faulkner’s letter to the governor, with its florid, sophisticated language and lack of the ransom notes’ telltale misspellings, to discern they were written by someone else, and the fact that photos of Faulkner’s deposit slip signature had appeared in newspapers made it highly likely that the eleventh-hour letter to the governor was a forgery and a hoax. This has not stopped a grand conspiracy from emerging that J. J. Faulkner was actually a certain international spy who had masterminded the kidnapping plot, and that Hauptmann was only guilty of purchasing “hot” currency from the kidnapper at a markup in order to pass it himself and make a profit. Of course, this theory completely discounts the clear handwriting evidence, and lacks logic, for if that were all Hauptmann was guilty of, why would he go to his death rather than confess it and clear his name of child murder? If the Faulkner deposit was made by an accomplice of Hauptmann’s, they must have played a small part in the crime, having only received a small portion of the ransom. But just as likely, Hauptmann could have asked someone else, someone who didn’t know who he was, to fill out the deposit slip for him. It has been pointed out by those who believe Hauptmann had accomplices that a few bills of the ransom payoff were identified as far away as Michigan, but it must be acknowledged that, when money enters circulation, it travels. We don’t know whether those who passed a bill received it in some private transaction from someone else, so whoever carried these few bills to Michigan may have had nothing to do with the crime. In the end, since Hauptmann denied everything to his last breath, we will likely never know if he acted alone.

Hauptmann certainly was guilty of involvement in the kidnapping. Numerous times, the police caught him lying, about his employment and whereabouts on the day of the crime, about how much of the ransom money he possessed, and about how long he had been in possession of it and aware of it. The earliest bills discovered in circulation, back in 1933, had been folded distinctively into eighths, and when Hauptmann was arrested, a bill on his person was folded the same way, convincingly demonstrating that it had been he who was passing the ransom bills all along. If he had played only a small part in the crime, as a go-between or an underling, as he had tried to make it out to seem when speaking to Condon in the graveyard, then one imagines he would certainly have tried to cut a deal for a further stay of execution in exchange for information that might lead to the other perpetrators, especially since he had the ear of the governor, who was actively looking for a reason to pardon him. Instead, he went to the electric chair insisting on his innocence, likely because, if he couldn’t beat the charges, he did not want his wife and son to remember him as a confessed child killer. Nevertheless, there is certainly a case to be made that a miscarriage of justice occurred. With the distinct possibility that Charles Lindbergh, Jr., was accidentally killed during the kidnapping, and with no evidence that Hauptmann ever intended to purposely murder the child, the typical requirement for a first-degree murder charge—proof of intent, premeditation, or malice aforethought—was not met. To convict Hauptmann of first-degree murder, then, they had to rely on the common law doctrine of felony murder, that a death, even an accidental death, that occurred during or because of the commission of a felony crime, constituted first-degree murder. The problem was, kidnapping at the time was not a felony in New Jersey, so they actually charged Hauptmann with burglary, or more specifically, the theft of the child’s clothing. After that, the Lindbergh Law made kidnapping a federal crime, and now many states have a felony murder rule on the books that would make any accidental death during a kidnapping into a first-degree murder. Many argue that the felony murder doctrine is used to justify extreme sentencing, out of proportion with the severity of the crime, and certainly there is no sentence more extreme than that which Hauptmann received. One wonders, if he had been sentenced to life instead of death, if we might have eventually discovered more about the kidnapping or even obtained the confession he refused to give while the eye of the nation scrutinized him. Or perhaps, like James Earl Ray, he would only have further encouraged from his prison cell the outlandish conspiracy claims that developed through the years, such as the numerous assertions of people who claim that the remains discovered were not actually those of the Lindbergh baby, and that in fact they are the Lindbergh baby. More on that in an upcoming exclusive patron minisode. To conclude this series, let’s just say that, much like the JFK assassination, despite the muddying of the waters by conspiracy speculators and the press, when the sediment settles, it’s pretty clear to see that they did catch the right guy and he probably did act alone.

A photographic composite depicting Hauptmann being prepared for execution, courtesy The Met.

Until next time, remember, conspiracy speculation, no matter how untenable, draws the interest of the media far more than rational analysis. Back in the 30s, it made for an attention-grabbing headline at the newsstand, and today, it makes for tempting clickbait links. The more things change, the more they stay the same.

Further Reading

Behn, Noel. Lindbergh: The Crime. The Atlantic Monthly Press, 1994.

Fisher, Jim. The Lindbergh Case. Rutgers University Press, 1987.

---. The Ghosts of Hopewell: Setting the Record Straight in the Lindbergh Case. Southern Illinois University Press, 1999.

Milton, Joyce. Loss of Eden: A Biography of Charles and Anne Morrow Lindbergh. HarperCollins, 1993.

Stout, David. The Kidnap Years: The Astonishing True History of the Forgotten Kidnapping Epidemic that Shook Depression-Era America. Sourcebooks, 2020.

Zorn, Robert. Cemetery John: The Undiscovered Mastermind of the Lindbergh Kidnapping. The Overlook Press, 2012.

The Lindbergh Baby Kidnapping - Part One: The Eaglet

In 1924, Richard Albert Loeb and Nathan Freudenthal Leopold Jr., two wealthy University of Chicago students who fancied themselves intellectuals, abducted and murdered a 14-year-old Chicago boy simply to prove that they were smarter than authorities and could pull off the perfect crime. The trial of Leopold and Loeb for what the press at the time called the “crime of the century” became a media sensation, inspiring great outrage when famous lawyer Clarence Darrow’s impassioned 12-hour summation in their defense saved them from the electric chair. Besides Leopold and Loeb, most headline-grabbing crime in those years had to do with underworld gangsters, much of it revolving around the bootlegging of liquor during Prohibition. Nine years after the Leopold and Loeb verdict, however, the Wall Street Crash marked the start of the Great Depression, and as authorities struggled to enforce the Volstead Act during a time when Americans needed a drink more than ever, support for Prohibition waned. Shortly after taking office, FDR famously said “I think this would be a good time to have a beer,” and not long after signed a bill permitting the manufacture and sale of beer and wine. Bootlegging as a lucrative criminal enterprise had been on the decline for years as enforcement of Prohibition grew more and more unpopular. But at the same time, more and more Americans were becoming jobless and drawn to criminal endeavors. So what lucrative crime could these desperate individuals pursue? The answer came from the famous Crime of the Century: kidnapping, but for ransom, not for the thrill of getting away with murder. An epidemic of kidnapping developed in the late 1920s and early 1930s that was eventually recognized as “a Rising Menace to the Nation” by the New York Times. This forgotten backdrop is detailed in David Stout’s The Kidnap Years. One metropolitan police chief collected statistics from all over the nation and learned that in 1931 alone, there had been nearly 300 confirmed kidnappings, and of course likely many more, since it was typical for victims’ families not to inform the police of such crimes, as kidnappers usually instructed them. There had been famous cases of abduction and murder during the preceding years, of Marion Parker in California in 1927, and Grace Budd in New York in 1928, the latter killed by the notorious serial murderer Albert Fish. But in 1931, it seemed to become a standard business model. Among the biggest cases that year were the ransoming of the 13-year-old heir to the Anheuser-Busch beer fortune on New Year’s Eve 1930, the abduction of prominent St. Louis surgeon Isaac Kelley in April, and the kidnapping successful fashion designer Nell Donnelly in December. In March of 1932, a year before FDR would take office, a spate of kidnappings occurred. On March 2nd, the son of a wealthy contractor in Ohio was snatched, and on the 14th, a Peoria, Illinois, doctor was kidnapped by a crew of plotters consisting of a petty criminal, a Sunday school teacher, and a former mayoral candidate. Certainly one or both of these kidnappings would have captured the public’s interest had not they been so dramatically overshadowed by another kidnapping that had occurred on the first of March: the abduction of an American hero’s baby boy right out of his nursery, a case that would quickly take the title of “Crime of the Century” away from Leopold and Loeb, becoming a media sensation unlike any mystery before it, and spawning numerous pet theories and alternative views of what happened even after the crime had apparently been solved.

A full accounting of the kidnapping of the Lindbergh baby, called by journalist H.L. Mencken “the biggest story since the Resurrection,” requires first an understanding of Charles Lindbergh’s celebrity, which itself requires a general understanding of his accomplishments as a pilot. Let us therefore begin with a brief description of Charles Lindbergh’s career and life preceding the events in question. Charles Augustus Lindbergh, nicknamed Slim, was a tall and slender young man of 25 when he earned his great fame. The son of a Minnesota congressman, he had been an Army Air Service cadet and later an airmail pilot. It was during this service that he began to dream about being the first person to fly non-stop across the Atlantic. For years, since 1919, there had been a standing prize offered: twenty-five grand would go to the first pilot who flew an airplane specifically non-stop from New York to Paris. Numerous trans-atlantic flights had already been accomplished by dirigibles and by planes if they flew the shorter distance between Newfoundland and Ireland or made a stop at the Azores on the way to Europe, but no non-stop plane flights from New York to France. That was actually impossible, many said, due the weight of the fuel that would be required to travel that distance without stopping, and supporting this assertion was the well-publicized failure of Paul-René Fonck, whose plane was so weighed down that it crashed on take-off. Indeed, there were several such crashes, a few of which resulted in the deaths of pilots. Nevertheless, Charles Lindbergh believed it could be done, with the construction of a custom aircraft. It would have to be a single engine plane in order to reduce weight, and additional fuel tanks would need to be built into the nose, which would block his view from the cockpit, requiring him to use a periscope to see ahead of him. He managed to get the aircraft built with the promise of paying back his financers with his prize money, and on May 20th, 1927, he took off in the custom-designed plane, which he had christened the Spirit of St. Louis. Already the press was following his attempt, and as he flew, listeners heard breathless reports of his progress on the radio. The next day, by the time he triumphantly landed in France, greeted by a cheering crowd, he was already world-famous. His life changed instantly, becoming a series of parades and parties, encounters with royalty and movie stars, and constant badgering by news reporters. More than just a celebrity, though, Lindbergh was thought of as an American hero, winning respect for U.S. aviators during a time when their achievements were largely overshadowed by Europeans. He was knighted in Belgium and awarded numerous different honors, trophies, and medals, including the Congressional Medal of Honor, which had to be awarded by a Special Act of Congress since it typically was only awarded for acts of valor in battle. Lindbergh commenced touring Europe and then the U.S., showing off his plane and waving to adoring crowds. The interest of the press only increased, and as he was an eligible bachelor, much attention was given to his personal life and romantic interests. When in 1929 he married Anne Spencer Morrow, daughter of a U.S. ambassador to Mexico, they had to conduct the ceremony in secret to preserve their privacy. In 1930, when Anne bore his son, Charles Jr., and the newspapers began giving the boy nicknames like Baby Lindy and the Eaglet, they finally decided that they’d had enough of life in the spotlight, and they bought 400 acres outside the little township of Hopewell, New Jersey, about 14 miles north of Trenton, thinking that the distance from the hubbub of the city might afford them more privacy. Little did they know they were about to be thrust into the spotlight far more even than before, and for horrific reason.

Lindbergh posing next to the custom-built Spirit of St. Louis.

On the night of Tuesday, March 1st, 1932, the Lindberghs were at their nearly complete new home in Hopewell, having come to stay for a weekend getaway. Present that evening in the two-story, 10-room stone house secluded in the woods overlooking Hopewell Valley were Lindbergh himself; Anne and little Charles Jr., who both were getting over colds; Oliver and Elsie Whately, who served as the family’s butler and cook, respectively; and Betty Gow, a young nursemaid recently engaged by the Lindberghs to look after Charles Jr. Because of the baby’s sniffles, when it had been time to put him to bed, his mother rubbed him with Vick’s Vaporub, and then she and Betty pulled two shirts over him to keep him warm, one of them a flannel garment Betty had hastily cut out and sewn together, before buttoning him into his onesie sleeping suit, placing him in his crib and pinning his blankets down to keep him well tucked in. At around 9:00 p.m., Charles would later recall hearing a clatter and assuming that an orange crate had fallen to the kitchen floor. At around 10:00 p.m., while Charles was in his library and Anne preparing for bed, Betty Gow went to check on Charles Jr. and, not hearing his breathing, she approached his crib and found he was not in it. She rushed madly to find Anne, to see if she’d taken the baby, and finding she hadn’t, she ran downstairs to see if the child with his father. Answering that he did not have the baby, and sensing Gow’s urgency, he went to a closet to find his rifle. They searched the nursery and, experiencing every parent’s true nightmare, found it empty. Charles noticed specifically that the blanket was still pinned down, such that the baby could not have gotten out on his own, and he further saw that the southeast window was up and its shutter open. That’s when his eyes fell to the sill, where he saw an envelope that he immediately suspected was a ransom note. “They’ve stolen our baby!” he cried. Anne ran to another window and peered outside. She thought for a moment that she heard the cry of her child, but Elsie Whately assured her it was only the wind. Charles warned everyone not to touch the envelope, as he wanted it fingerprinted first, and went outside to search the road, where he saw nothing. By 10:40 p.m., Hopewell police officers responded to their telephone call, and by flashlight, the first of the evidence was discovered: footprints in the mud, two deep impressions as from a ladder, and some 75 feet from the house, the ladder itself, a homemade affair separated into three sections. Lastly, a chisel was discovered beneath the window, a tool presumably used to force open the shutters. Upon closer examination of the ladder the next day, it was clear that it had been crudely made, though ingeniously designed so that it could be disassembled and fit into an automobile. Indeed a set of tire tracks had been discovered east of the property, but with no clear tread pattern. What’s more, the side rails of the ladder had split, causing Charles to suspect that the noise he had heard had been the kidnapper’s ladder breaking as he descended with the child. Other than these things, the biggest piece of evidence was the note, which demanded $50,000 in certain denominations and stated that the kidnapper would be in contact within a few days with the location to which they were to deliver it. The letter contained numerous spelling errors, and it concluded with a strange circular symbol with interlocking rings and holes punched into the paper. The kidnapper indicated that this symbol would appear on all future correspondence so that the Lindberghs would know the communication was truly from their son’s captor.

The house in Hopewell that the Lindberghs had hoped would be a peaceful refuge had turned into a circus. Police photographers flashed photographs well into the night outside as well as in the nursery, where they discovered some mud presumably tracked in by the kidnapper. And by the morning, word of the crime having reached the press overnight, their property was swarmed by reporters and even just interested onlookers. Before police were able to control the growing crowd, it is very likely that evidence not noticed in the dark of night was destroyed by their careless trampling the next day. Police efforts were swift and thorough, though. They questioned neighbors, notified hospitals, established roadblocks and checkpoints, and rounded up known criminals and suspicious individuals across New Jersey. No reliable leads turned up, but false leads abounded. Many were the reports of mysterious cars near the Lindbergh estate, or drivers asking directions to their home, or conversations about the baby being overheard, but nothing panned out. Likewise, forensic examination of the evidence yielded nothing. No fingerprints could be lifted from the note, the ladder, or the chisel, and just as no tread pattern was discernible in the tire tracks discovered, so too no tread pattern was visible in the footprints, but as the pattern of some kind of woven fabric could be observed, they suspected the kidnapper had wrapped his shoes in cloth. Concerned that the authorities, whom the kidnapper had stated must not be involved, could make some misstep that would result in harm to his son, Charles Lindbergh insisted that he be in charge of the investigation, an unusual demand, but considering who he was and the extraordinary nature of the case, one to which police investigators agreed. Lindbergh wanted to make contact with underworld figures, thinking they might be able to discover the kidnapper’s identity. Indeed, he brought a local racketeer into the investigation who suggested that the kidnappers were associated with Al Capone’s Chicago mafia organization, and there was even some communication with Capone himself, who was in jail at the time for tax evasion, and teased that he could help find the baby if only he were released. Detectives were doubtful, however, believing that they were dealing with an amateur kidnapper, as a professional would have demanded a far larger ransom. When these efforts also gleaned nothing, it seemed they could only wait for the kidnapper to mail them the next communication. The problem was that the Lindberghs had begun receiving mass quantities of mail, including useless leads from people who thought they were helping, mystical accounts of dreams and psychic visions that were likewise worthless, and new ransom letters that were clearly phony, lacking the kidnapper’s signature symbol. Lindbergh took to placing prominent statements in the newspaper, appealing to the kidnapper to begin communications. On March 4th, the next genuine ransom letter finally came. In it, the kidnapper, who as in the first letter used the collective first-person pronoun “we,” suggesting more than one person’s involvement, expressed anger at the Lindberghs having involved police and made the kidnapping public and demanded an additional $20,000, saying they were forced to involve “another person.” Not only was this letter signed with the unique symbol, it contained many of the same misspellings as the letter left on the nursery windowsill. After that, another letter was sent to the Lindbergh’s attorney, this one demanding some go-between to ensure there would be no police interference in their communications, and in a message published in the papers, the Lindberghs named two bootleggers and speakeasy owners as their representatives. Lindbergh had made their acquaintance during his underworld inquiries, and when he named them as his representatives, thinking the kidnapper would be more comfortable dealing with fellow criminals, it sparked a great deal of public criticism. When no word came from the kidnapper for more than a week, Lindbergh feared that he had made a terrible misstep and that communication had totally broken down.

The ransom note, with the kidnapper’s symbol, left in the nursery on the night of the kidnapping.

In the Bronx, meanwhile, an elderly retired grade school principal named John Condon had been following the news. He revered Charles Lindbergh and thought the crime a terrible disgrace, and after the furor over the intermediaries Lindbergh had named, he took it upon himself to offer his own services as intermediary. Condon was known to be a hardworking educator, and a patriotic and religious fellow, to the point that some thought him an arrogant and haughty busybody, making a show of his principles. In a letter published in the Bronx Home News, he made the offer and sweetened the deal by saying he would add one thousand dollars of his own money to the ransom. Many thought he was attention seeking by sticking his nose in the Lindbergh case. His detractors were quite as surprised as he was when the Lindbergh kidnapper sent him a letter accepting his proposition, enclosing another letter for Condon to deliver to Lindbergh. When Condon telephoned Lindbergh, who had him open and read the enclosed letter, Lindbergh did not seem to take it very seriously until Condon described the symbol at the bottom of the page. That night, Lindbergh made immediate arrangements to meet with Condon. The letter directed Lindbergh to put the ransom money in a custom made box, and included a sketch like something a carpenter might draw. Condon was to be given the money and await word on where to take it. Meanwhile, Lindbergh was to keep an airplane ready for when he was given the location of his son. They made arrangements, the Lindberghs putting messages in the newspaper to the effect that they accepted Condon as intermediary—though they called him by the code name Jafsie, based on his initials J.F.C., in order to keep the press from identifying him. Condon took some toys from the nursery, hoping to present them to the child if the boy were present at the meeting, and thereby confirm his identity by his reaction to them, and he also took the pins from the crib blanket, planning to ask the kidnappers whether they could say where they had seen them before and thus likewise confirm that he was indeed dealing with the genuine abductors. After the message was printed in the papers, Condon received a phone call from a man with a German accent who instructed him when to be at home and expect further instructions. Condon believed he heard the caller talking to someone else during the call, further supporting the belief that there were at least two kidnappers. By March 12th, Condon had in his possession the custom built box they’d made to the kidnapper’s specifications. It was empty, however, as they would not have the ransom money on hand for another several days. At the appointed time when he had been told to always be home in order to receive further communication, a man rang his doorbell. He was a taxi driver who had been approached by a man with a German accent and given an envelope to deliver. In it were directions on where to go with the ransom money, and instructions to be there within 45 minutes.

In a panic, John Condon drove to the location in the letter, a certain porch near a hot dog stand where the letter stated further instructions awaited. His only hope was to meet with the kidnappers and explain the situation, that he did not yet have the money to give them, that he needed more time. At the location, he found a note directing him into a cemetery across the street. Condon went alone into the cemetery, and finding no one, he thought at first that something had gone wrong. Eventually, though, he saw a man signaling him from afar by waving a white handkerchief. Condon approached the man, who wore a dark overcoat, pulled a hat pulled down over his eyes, and held his handkerchief to his mouth and nose to hide his face. He spoke with the same thick German accent Condon had heard on the phone, asking if Condon had the money, and Condon told him he could not bring it until he saw the baby. Seeing a security guard, the man in the overcoat became spooked, leapt over an iron fence and bolted. Condon chased after him, calling to him, and eventually the man stopped running and allowed the 72-year-old Condon to catch up. Explaining his sudden flight, the man said, “It was too much risk. I would get thirty years if I am caught. And I am only go-between. I might burn.” Condon seized on this remark, asking what he meant that he might burn. “What if the baby is dead?” he replied. “Would I burn if the baby is dead?” Condon demanded to know if the baby was in fact dead, and the man reassured him the baby was well. Condon then sought to confirm his identity as the actual kidnapper, producing the safety pins, which the man in the overcoat readily identified as the pins that had fastened down the baby’s blanket in his crib, contradicting his previous claim of being a mere go-between. That is when the man opened up. He said his name was John, that he was part of a six person gang, the leader being a “high-level government employee.” He stated that Charles Jr. was aboard a boat moored some six hours away. Condon offered to be taken hostage so that he could be shown the baby, but John, who would come to be called Cemetery John, refused, promising instead to send the baby’s sleeping suit as proof.  A few days after this initial meeting, the baby’s pajamas were indeed mailed to Condon.  In good faith, Lindbergh collected the ransom money. However, on the advice of the IRS investigator who had famously put Al Capone away, he recorded the serial numbers of all the bills, and the bulk of the money would be in gold certificates, for already it was believed that the country may soon end the gold standard, at which point the kidnapper would draw attention when spending them or would have to exchange them, affording some further chance of apprehending him.

John Condon, aka Jafsie, the volunteer intermediary.

The Lindberghs continued to communicate with their child’s abductor through vague newspaper ads and received several more, increasingly impatient letters from Cemetery John, or from his superior in the gang, each containing the same familiar spelling errors and circular symbol. It would take another two agonizing weeks to prepare the ransom package and communicate their readiness to make the payoff. On April 2nd, at the specified time, another cab driver left another envelope at Condon’s doorstep, this one directing him to carry the ransom to a certain florist’s greenhouse, where he would find a further note. This time, Charles Lindbergh came with Condon, and he was armed. Upon their arrival, the note once again told him to walk alone to a graveyard located nearby, which Condon did, though he disobeyed the instructions to bring the money with him. He was cagey, realizing that he might be murdered for being the only person who had seen Cemetery John’s face. He skirted the graveyard, looking for an ambush, and eventually, Cemetery John called out to him. They walked to meet one another, and Cemetery John, crouching behind a shrub, demanded he go and get the money. When Condon came back with the ransom, Cemetery John checked it and then gave Condon an envelope, instructing him not to open it for six hours. Condon and Lindbergh then drove some distance up the road before Condon convinced Lindbergh to stop and open the envelope. His hands trembling, Lindbergh read that his son was being cared for by two innocent women aboard a boat called “Nelly” moored near the Elizabeth Islands. That very night, at 2am, he drove to an airfield and took off in a large, amphibious Sikorsky aircraft to search for the boat. For six hours that morning, he scoured the waters surrounding the Elizabeth Islands, buzzing dozens of boat, none of which matched the description of the Nelly provided by Cemetery John. He would continue for days to search the coast for the boat containing his son, to no avail. Thinking themselves double-crossed, they left new messages in the newpapers, but there was no answer. As they waited, the U.S. treasurer distributed a pamphlet to banks everywhere containing the serial numbers of the ransom bills, and a couple days later, the press sleuthed out that this meant Lindbergh had paid the ransom but not received his child in return, and they made it front page news. The press further discovered that Condon had been the Lindberghs’ intermediary and began hounding him, making him useless as their go-between if the kidnappers decided to initiate communication again. These developments caused the Lindberghs to despair of ever seeing their child again. But six weeks later, after continuing to chase false hope in the form of hoax claims, they did see their baby again, though only in the most awful way. A truck driver hauling timber near the Lindbergh’s Hopewell property happened to stop to relieve himself on the side of the road, and as he made his way into the woods to do so, he discovered the remains of Charles Lindbergh, Jr. The Eaglet could be positively identified, as his blonde curls and dimple were discernible despite decomposition and the activity of scavenger animals. But more than that, the baby remained in his undershirts, including the one his nursemaid had sewn for him out of flannel on the night of the kidnapping, while his sleeping suit was missing, because of course his kidnapper had removed it and later mailed it to Condon. Detectives also found a burlap sack near the road in which some blonde hairs matching the babies had been discovered. It appeared that the Eaglet whom all the world was searching for and hoping to find alive had actually been dead more than ten weeks, killed on the very night of the kidnapping by a fracture of the skull, according to the autopsy, and dumped less than two miles from the bed out of which he had been taken.

Following the discovery of the remains, the Bureau of Investigation under J. Edgar Hoover took a more active role in coordinating the search for anyone spending the ransom money, which more and more looked to be the only legitimate avenue that the investigation had left, besides the continued interrogation of Lindbergh household servants and further fruitless searches for a boat called Nelly. A year after the kidnapping, Franklin Delano Roosevelt took office and initiated his sweeping New Deal programs, which included his proclamation to return to the U.S. Treasury all gold as well as all gold certificates like those given to Cemetery John, which meant that about $40,000 of the ransom money would soon become rare and even more noticeable when spent than it already had been. After his first hundred days, Roosevelt centralized the investigation within the Department of Justice, giving exclusive jurisdiction to J. Edgar Hoover’s BOI. As resentment over Roosevelt’s reforms developed, and the suspicion of anti-Semites that he was part of some Jewish Communist conspiracy grew, FDR was actually accused of having something to do with the Lindbergh kidnapping. To many in the Depression, a crime against a wealthy individual like Lindbergh must de facto be a Communist plot, and wherever one cried Communist, another cried Jewish. Incredibly, an anonymous, widely-circulated pamphlet that alleged Roosevelt was protecting the murderer of the Lindbergh baby supposedly because he was Jewish. In fact, Roosevelt had done far more than his predecessor to ensure the killer was caught. In early 1934, as the second anniversary of the child’s abduction loomed, the BOI demanded close scrutiny of all bills being passed in New York, where the ransom currency was turning up at a rate of about $40 a week. Beyond just banks, they provided the booklet with the ransom money’s serial numbers, as well as handy key cards to help identify ransom bills quickly, to nearly every employee handling money in New York City, from grocery store clerks to postal employees, from department store cashiers to gas station attendants. Moreover, a New York City police detective assigned to the case sent letters to every gas station urging attendants to take down the license plate of any customer spending a gold note. That September, two and half years after the crime, these efforts would finally pay off, and an arrest would be made. To most, this would prove the final resolution of the mystery, but to many others, the mystery would never seem to have been solved.

*

Next time, I will discuss the apprehension of the man believed to be Cemetery John, the Trial of the Century, and the several alternative theories and conspiracy claims that still surround the case today.

Further Reading

Behn, Noel. Lindbergh: The Crime. The Atlantic Monthly Press, 1994.

Fisher, Jim. The Lindbergh Case. Rutgers University Press, 1987.

---. The Ghosts of Hopewell: Setting the Record Straight in the Lindbergh Case. Southern Illinois University Press, 1999.

Milton, Joyce. Loss of Eden: A Biography of Charles and Anne Morrow Lindbergh. HarperCollins, 1993.

Stout, David. The Kidnap Years: The Astonishing True History of the Forgotten Kidnapping Epidemic that Shook Depression-Era America. Sourcebooks, 2020.

Zorn, Robert. Cemetery John: The Undiscovered Mastermind of the Lindbergh Kidnapping. The Overlook Press, 2012.

The Business Plot - Part Two: The Bankers Gold Group

Much like the phrase “fake news,” “fascist” is an adjective that has been diluted through overuse as a political barb. It has become synonymous with “totalitarian” and “authoritarian” in accusations of dictatorial overreach. It is lobbed by those on the right against leftists about as much as it is by those on the left against far-right extremists, such as those who originally coined the term. Fascism as a political ideology sprang up in 1915 Italy when Benito Mussolini, formerly a journalist and politician, abandoned Socialism for nationalism and founded a paramilitary organization to fight in the first world war. Afterward, his fascists, so-called after the fasce or bundle of sticks that is stronger when bound together, turned their violence against what he saw as the remaining threat to Italy, socialists. After strong-arming King Victor Emmanuel III into surrendering the country’s government to his dictatorial control, Mussolini assigned great importance to propaganda. As a former journalist, he knew that he had to exert absolute control over the press in order to maintain his authority. And it was not only Italian journalism he sought to influence with regard to how his regime was portrayed. He felt it important to export propaganda as well. One country in which his propaganda efforts had been quite successful was the United States of America. As the Great Depression worsened, many Americans came to believe that what the country needed was a “strongman” leader like Il Duce, as Mussolini was called. This sentiment was especially strong among the wealthy, who greatly feared a Communist revolution in their troubled times. They lapped up the image of Italian Fascists as patriots fighting a socialist threat and of Mussolini himself as a hero who saved his country from ineffective parliamentary rule and ensured prosperity even in the midst of economic calamity. This portrait of Mussolini, which turned a blind eye to the domestic terror campaigns of his so-called “action squads,” made many a Wall Street financier and conservative politician into self-avowed Fascists back before the world had learned to recoil from the word. In the summer of 1932, in fact, as FDR and Hoover vied for the presidency, Republican U.S. Senator David Aiken Reed stood in the Capitol and unashamedly stated, “I do not often envy other countries and their governments, but I say that if this country ever needed a Mussolini, it needs one now.” The capitalists openly admiring Fascism in those years had been swayed not always by firsthand observation of the goings-on in Italy, but rather by the American press, which had taken part in Mussolini’s propaganda efforts with alacrity, some even accepting payment to do so. Perhaps the most influential of these was William Randolph Hearst, a newspaper mogul and no stranger to using his media empire to influence politics. Starting in the late ‘20s, Hearst actually ran columns written by Benito Mussolini on a regular basis, just as later he would print columns penned by Nazis like Goebbels, Goering, and even Hitler himself! Nor was Hearst alone in his amplification of Fascist propaganda. Richard Washburn Child, editor of The Saturday Evening Post, took money from Mussolini and served as the editor of the dictator’s memoirs, which he also published. And esteemed New York Times foreign correspondent Anne O’Hare McCormick wrote glowing accounts of Mussolini’s charisma and his efficient regime, purposely not reporting on its brutality or corruption. And this is to say nothing of Fascism’s boosters in other industries, such as those on Wall Street, like Thomas Lamont, a partner at J. P. Morgan and frequent economic advisor to the Hoover White House who accepted $100 million from Mussolini and described himself as “a missionary” for Fascism, using all his considerable influence to push America toward a Fascist future. This distinct faction of American high society was on the lookout for the rise of our own potential Fascist leader, whom they called “the man on the white horse,” a savior figure ironically named after one of the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse associated with war and the end of days. And if Franklin Delano Roosevelt did not turn out to be the dictator they wanted, they thought they just might have to follow the example of Mussolini, who had seized power by marching his paramilitary army on Rome and demanding the king’s resignation. 

As mentioned in Part One of this series, many among Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s own patrician class hoped, despite his campaign rhetoric and progressive promises, that FDR might turn out to be the American Mussolini. After all, Mussolini himself had begun as a socialist before turning right. Indeed, William Randolph Hearst, who had not previously supported Roosevelt, later threw the weight of his media machine behind the president elect and even produced a Hollywood feature that was little more than a propaganda piece promoting the idea of a president who would do the country good by turning despotic. The film was entitled Gabriel Over the White House, and it depicted a president who is visited by the Archangel Gabriel and the ghost of Abraham Lincoln after a car accident. Thus divinely inspired, he goes on to seize dictatorial control of the U.S. government in order to accomplish his benevolent agenda. Roosevelt himself encouraged the propaganda, hoping to soften the shock when he sought unprecedented emergency powers after his inauguration. However, as I discussed in part one, regardless of one’s view of the executive and legislative power that FDR wielded during his first hundred days and afterward, what he used it to do, specifically bringing an end to the gold standard and demonizing the rich for gold hoarding, caused the Fascist fanboys on Wall Street as well as in the press to turn on him. And these were not the only reasons they had for giving up hope that FDR was their yearned for “man on the white horse.” Planters in the South and sweatshop operators in the North complained that their mistreated workers were leaving them for jobs created by Roosevelt’s New Deal programs, and industrialists bemoaned the passage of the National Industrial Recovery Act in June of 1933, which regulated wages and protected the collective bargaining rights of labor unions. The admirers of Italian Fascism had imagined their strongman leader would likewise favor corporatism over labor interests, and when Roosevelt did not, they thought they smelled socialism, or worse, the dreaded Communism. Later that year, when Roosevelt recognized the Soviet Union diplomatically, exchanging embassies with them, these critics who would have welcomed a Fascist coup declared that FDR was an outright Bolshevik actively transforming America into a Communist nation. Among many of these same critics, the activities of Eleanor Roosevelt also represented an affront to the American way. After her husband had basically invented the modern White House press conference, the First Lady began holding her own and insisting that only female journalists attend. She was an activist for women’s equality, and perhaps even more unforgiveable to the enemies arraying against her husband, she publicly declared that Fascism was a far more pressing danger to the world than Communism.

As I have discussed before, the Bolshevik revolution and the spread of Communism generally has always been associated with the conspiracy delusion and lie about a Jewish world domination plot. This destructive falsehood can most directly be attributed to the plagiarized forgery The Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion, which alleged that international Jewish financiers led the nonexistent conspiracy to control all nations and people. Thus, even though FDR was making enemies of bankers and financiers, since he had formerly palled around with them, and since he was initiating social reforms that looked a lot like redistribution of wealth, and more specifically because he had begun official relations with Soviet Russia, the critics of FDR folded anti-Semitic conspiracy speculations into their attacks on his administration. Taking America off the gold standard became, in the eyes of the paranoid and hateful, a scheme to give Jews control of all the gold in the world. Anti-Semites scrutinized Roosevelt’s appointees and used math to argue that the President favored Jews. Only 15% of Roosevelt’s appointments were Jewish, but anti-Semites argued that this was out of proportion to America’s Jewish population, which comprised only 3% of its total. One wonders if these individuals would have accepted the logical extrapolation of their own argument, that Roosevelt’s appointments should have matched national demographics in this way, which would have meant some 10% of his appointments should have been Black. But of course, we know they would have been against this, for as Eleanor Roosevelt observed, critics of the New Deal, and especially those anti-Semitic critics who called it the “Jew Deal,” were overwhelmingly against ameliorating the condition of Black Americans. As context, it must be remembered that Hitler and his Nazis were coming into power in Germany at the time, spreading a pernicious racialist political ideology. While many Americans admired and supported Mussolini, fewer knew what to make of Hitler, whose chancellorship was officially ratified the day after FDR’s inauguration. Even as reports of Nazi book burnings and violence against Jews filtered into the U.S., many believed him simply a peculiarity and a European problem, though the First Lady collected newspaper clippings on him, recognizing the global threat he represented. As Nazism metastasized abroad, in America, anti-Semitic conspiracy delusions involving the Roosevelt administration spread as well. In something like the Birther conspiracy claims spread by Trump about Barack Obama, leaflets were printed and circulated depicting the Roosevelt family tree and tracing his lineage back to a Dutch family then called “Rosenvelt” in Holland. This family tree was accompanied by speculation tracing that Dutch family through numerous name changes, Rosenthals, Rosenblums, Rosenbergs, back, allegedly, to a supposedly Jewish family called Rossacampo that had been expelled from Spain in the 17th century. This conspiracy claim relied on the idea that this Jewish family took the Dutch name Van Rosenvelt, which means “of a rose field,” but of course, FDR could just as well have been descended from Dutch Van Rosenvelts. FDR himself traced his family back only as far as Dutch immigrants to America, and was very open, in a letter replying to a Jewish newspaper editor who had inquired about the rumors, that he didn’t really care if he was Jewish, writing, “In the dim distant past they may have been Jews or Catholics or Protestants. What I am more interested in is whether they were good citizens and believers in God.” And of course, whether or not Roosevelt had Jewish ancestry still proves nothing about any involvement in a global conspiracy, let alone that such a conspiracy existed, but since leaflets depicting the Roosevelt family tree were often accompanied by pamphlet reproductions of The Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion, the anti-Semitic propaganda went a long way toward stirring up populist resentment against the President.

The growing Fascist sympathizers and converts in America, unsurprisingly, looked to what Mussolini had done in Italy, and what Hitler was now also doing, and took notes. One major commonality was the use by these dictators of paramilitary organizations to build power and seize control. Mussolini had his Voluntary Militia for National Security, known as Blackshirts for their customary attire, and Hitler, following suit, had his stormtroopers, known as Brownshirts. The authenticity of the Fascist threat in America can likewise be discerned by the appearance of numerous such paramilitary armies in the U.S. One of them, formed by Ku Klux Klansmen in Georgia, simply called themselves Blackshirts as well, while others differentiated themselves, but only by the colors of their shirts. Tennessee had their Christian extremist White Shirts, bent on taking over local government, and New York had their Gray Shirts, whose focus was removing leftists from teaching positions. Metaphysical writer, Christian nationalist, and Fascist William Dudley Pelley was among those who pushed the conspiracy claim that FDR was secretly Jewish, and he founded the Silver Shirts, a massive militia active in most states that stockpiled weapons and even stole rifles from a California naval airbase. Then there were the Khaki Shirts. Among the Bonus Army had been one fascistic leader, Walter Waters, who after General MacArthur’s destruction of their Hooverville had tried to form his own Fascist army, which he called the Khaki Shirts, but his fellow veterans were mostly uninterested, and his efforts fell apart quickly, such that the Khaki Shirts were not even involved in the next Bonus march on Washington. However, in 1933, one vet, Arthur Smith, reinvigorated the Khaki Shirts as an openly Fascist paramilitary organization with avowed intentions to overthrow Roosevelt, seize control of Washington, and even to “kill all the Jews in the United States.” Smith called himself a general and claimed he commanded 1.5 million men. However, it appears his movement was never that widespread, and during the summer following Roosevelt’s first 100 days, Philadelphia police arrested all of them for alleged plans to storm a National Guard arsenal. The Khaki Shirts collapsed after Smith held a rally in New York attempting to organize another march on Washington and anti-fascists confronted them, leading to one Khaki Shirt murdering a student counter-protester. Smith would eventually do prison time because of this act of violence, and would afterward abandon the group, absconding with twenty-five grand of their funds. The Khaki Shirts would eventually coalesce with Father Charles Coughlin’s militant Christian Front organization. As context for the astounding revelations of the Business Plot, however, suffice it to say that America was no stranger to Fascist movements bent on overthrowing the democratic order and marching on Washington to force Roosevelt’s resignation, and at least some of them were inspired by or grew out of the legitimate and overall peaceful protest of the Bonus Army marchers. And in response to this fascist groundswell, one Democratic representative from New York, Samuel Dickstein, who had witnessed violence erupting against his fellow Jews firsthand, convinced Congress to organize the House Un-American Activities Committee, or McCormack-Dickstein Committee, specifically with a mandate to investigate Nazi propaganda and fascist threats in the U.S.

William Dudley Pelley, leader of the fascist Silver Shirts.

This was the state of the country when Smedley Darlington Butler, the retired soldier’s general and veterans affairs activist who had supported Roosevelt and encouraged the Bonus marchers, received an odd visit at his Pennsylvania home from some strange men claiming to be wounded veterans, as he would later testify. One of these callers was William Doyle, and the other a bonds salesman named Gerald MacGuire, or Jerry MacGuire, if you like. Butler was immediately skeptical of the men because they arrived in a limo and sported expensive bespoke suits. They represented American Legion departments in Massachusetts and Connecticut, they told him, and they’d come, purportedly at the behest of numerous Legionnaires who disliked American Legion leadership and were concerned about Roosevelt’s treatment of veterans, to ask for Butler’s help in reforming the veterans’ organization. Butler was by then a popular public speaker and had been vocally critical of the American Legion, so this part of the men’s proposal, to place him in a leadership position in which he could effect change, interested him. However, he disagreed with their assessment of the President’s treatment of veterans, so he remained cautious, and his suspicions were further aroused, according to his later telling of the story, when MacGuire claimed that the White House had barred them from inviting him as a distinguished guest to an upcoming convention. Butler considered Roosevelt a friend and found the claim hard to believe, making him suspect that MacGuire was trying to plant a seed of enmity between him and the President. MacGuire explained that, in order for Butler to attend the American Legion gathering, he had arranged for him to be falsely credentialed as a Hawaiian delegate, and this was all too much for Butler, who refused to entertain the cloak and dagger scheme and sent the visitors away. MacGuire and Doyle returned with a different plan a month later, suggesting that Butler gather a few hundred Legionnaires--something that would be easy for him to do, considering the esteem in which veterans held him—and bring them to the convention, where they could initiate a cheer demanding that Butler be allowed to speak, at which point Butler could deliver a speech they had prepared for him. Butler protested that veterans couldn’t afford the train fare and lodgings they would need to attend the convention, to which MacGuire responded by whipping out his bank depositor’s book, which showed funds of more than a hundred grand that he said could be used to pay these expenses. That is equivalent to about 2.2 million dollars today. Butler’s suspicions only increased with this boast of exorbitant funding, and he thereafter became convinced that MacGuire was a mere front man for some extremely wealthy interests when he read the speech that had been written for him. He was surprised to find that it was essentially a call for Roosevelt to return to the gold standard so that veterans’ bonuses would not be paid in worthless paper currency. Believing that the average veteran understood and cared little about such matters as the gold standard, Butler carefully pushed MacGuire to reveal the backers of the scheme, and MacGuire assured him that the scheme had nine very wealthy financers, but that he could only reveal two of them: a Wall Street bigwig veteran, Grayson M.P. Murphy, whom Mussoliini himself had awarded an honorary Italian military title, and Robert Sterling Clark, heir to the Singer Sewing Maching fortune, with whom Butler had served and of whom he had a low opinion. When Butler craftily expressed doubt that MacGuire’s venture really was so well-funded, MacGuire responded by producing a stack of thousand dollar bills and offering them to Butler. Keep in mind that in 1933, the thousand dollar bill, a denomination that would be discontinued in 1969, was equivalent to more than 20 grand today. Thus proffering a stack of them would be the same as whipping out a billfold of more than a million bucks. Butler was reportedly aghast and reacted like someone being extorted, telling MacGuire, “You are just trying to get me by the neck,” and ending the conversation abruptly, saying, “I am not going to talk to you any more. You are only an agent. I want some of the principals.”

After his last strange encounter with MacGuire, Butler realized that he should try to collect evidence of whatever was being plotted by MacGuire and his backers, so he began to play along. He wrote to MacGuire, creating a paper trail, pretending to have come around, and requesting a meeting with the Singer heir that MacGuire had named as a backer, Robert Sterling Clark. During that subsequent meeting, Butler expressed his confusion about the contents of the speech the group wanted him to give, and Clark revealed that it had been written by the chief counsel of J. P. Morgan and Company at the behest of Morgan himself. Very quickly, Clark transitioned from talking about how a return to the gold standard would benefit veterans when they receive their bonuses to talking about how it would benefit the wealthy, like himself, outright admitting that he was spending so much of his money to back this scheme because “I have got 30 million dollars and I don’t want to lose it. I am willing to spend half of the 30 million to save the other half.” Finding this attempt to force public policy changes by manipulating veterans entirely distasteful and doubting that Roosevelt would even prove as compliant as the plotters believed, Butler refused to attend the American Legion convention. When it was convened, however, Butler read in the papers that its delegates were swayed by an inundation of telegrams to pass a resolution endorsing a return to the gold standard. Thinking the matter concluded, Butler was surprised when Macguire kept bothering him. For the rest of the year, he repeatedly invited Butler to veterans’ gatherings and offered to pay him to speak about returning to the gold standard, and in 1934, every time Butler arranged a speaking appearance, MacGuire would show up and offer him three times his speaking fee to include some remarks about the gold standard in his speeches. Finally, in the spring of 1934, MacGuire met again with Butler and revealed to him that he had recently been overseas, visiting foreign nations to better learn how Fascist movements used veterans’ organizations to seize control of governments. He explained how he had visited Mussolini’s Italy, Hitler’s Germany, and Stalin’s Russia and discovered that veterans organizations or citizen armies proved to be the “real backbone” of each dictatorship. He didn’t think that Americans would accept such coups as Mussolini and Hitler had conducted with their private armies, but he said he saw in France a perfect model for what he and his backers hoped to achieve in America. On February 6th, 1932, a demonstration of far right nationalist groups turned violent, and due to the involvement of veterans’ organizations, like the anti-Semitic Croix-de-feu, or Cross of Fire, it was dubbed the Veterans’ Riot and viewed as a fascist coup that did not result in a dictatorship but did successfully topple the left-wing government. MacGuire insisted to Butler that the same could be accomplished here in the U.S. if Butler, who had the ear of every soldier, would encourage them to band together and march peacefully on Washington demanding change—a bloodless coup. Moreover, their coup would be entirely constitutional, he assured the increasingly alarmed general. “We have got the newspapers,” he declared, presumably referring to Fascist sympathizer William Randolph Hearst’s papers, “We will start a campaign that the President’s health is failing.” With pressure from the veterans’ armies like that which was previously exerted by the Bonus Expeditionary Forces, MacGuire said that Roosevelt, to ease the burdens of his office, would appoint someone to a new cabinet position, Secretary of General Affairs, who would in effect act as the chief executive, making FDR a mere figurehead. The entire scheme was clearly an imitation of Mussolini’s March on Rome and handling of the King of Italy. If Roosevelt didn’t agree to the arrangement, MacGuire explained, he would be compelled to resign, and one by one each person in the line of succession would decline the office for reasons MacGuire explained with eerie confidence, as if it had already been arranged, until by the laws of the time, the office would pass to their new man in the cabinet, the Secretary of General Affairs, regardless.

Symbol of the fascist Croix-de-Feu veterans organization that MacGuire believed could be emulated to affect a coup in America. Image Credit: Fauntleroy (CC BY-SA 4.0)

As soon as their group, which Butler would thereafter refer to as the Bankers Gold Group, had the reins of government, they would bring back the gold standard, and MacGuire insisted they had all the capital they would need to accomplish their objective, with three million dollars currently available and a total budget of $300 million. According to the worth of today’s dollar, that’s an astonishing $6.7 billion in financing, according to the American Institute for Economic Research’s Cost of Living calculator. Butler played it cool, saying he would need to think further on it, and MacGuire told him that if he read the news, he would soon get a sense of who his powerful backers were, as their superorganization was about to be publicly announced, and “[t]here will be big fellows in it.” Two weeks after those foreboding words, Butler read about the formation of the American Liberty League, an organization founded to protect property rights and bolster free enterprise, which came out the gate swinging at Roosevelt for “fomenting class hatred.” Among the financial supporters of the organization were the two names MacGuire had already given Butler, Grayson M.P. Murphy and Robert Sterling Clark. The rest of the names included conservative Democratic rivals of Roosevelt, Republican opponents, Wall Street royalty, and titans of numerous industries. Some of the more recognizable names present were financier E. F. Hutton, two du Pont brothers who had served as Presidents of the multinational chemical company, and Samuel Colgate, president of the soap company that bore his family name. Executives active in the mining, automotive, oil, and retail industries were listed alongside them, as were more than one of the builders of the Empire State Building. It was a veritable Who’s Who of American business and politics, and according to Butler, it caused him great worry about how he should proceed. Eventually, he decided to contact the press before going to the J. Edgar Hoover or to the President. The editor of the Philadelphia Record assigned investigative journalist Paul French to look into it, and Butler, who misrepresented the reporter as a newspaperman sympathetic to their cause, managed to get MacGuire to agree to speak with him. Astonishingly, MacGuire went ahead and confirmed the entire story to the journalist, including the information about his trip to observe Fascist armies abroad, adding the further tidbit that the du Ponts had arranged to arm their army of veterans with Remington rifles. The reporter quoted MacGuire as saying, unironically, “We need a Fascist government in this country to save the Nation from the communists who want to tear it down.” To cap it off, MacGuire actually told French that the country could easily resolve their unemployment problems by doing what Hitler had done and placing the poor into forced labor camps. Thus armed with journalistic evidence of the plot, Butler finally told MacGuire what he really thought of the plan being enacted by the Bankers Gold Group, or the American Liberty League, as they chose to style themselves, stating, “If you get 500,000 soldiers advocating anything smelling of fascism, I am going to get 500,000 more and lick the hell out of you, and we will have a real war right at home.” He then went, in the fall of 1934, to J. Edgar Hoover with the story. Disappointingly, Hoover claimed there was little his Division of Investigation could do, since there was no federal offense, even though there was clearly a case for sedition, inciting a rebellion or insurrection, and treason, and he had been tasked by Roosevelt himself to look into domestic Fascist threats. Instead, true to form, Hoover used this threat to further seize control of domestic intelligence, leading to the formation of the FBI. He did, however, spread word of the alleged plot around Washington, and soon the House Un-American Activities Committee contacted Butler and his reporter, French, to appear before them and answer some questions.

Paul French published his exposé of the Bankers Gold Group and their Wall Street Putsch two days before the two of them spoke to the committee in a secret executive session, with the headline “$3,000,000 bid for fascist army bared.” The story was picked up by major papers all over the nation, so the proceedings commenced with intense press scrutiny, such that the committee was obliged to assure the papers that they would go public when the revelations of the committee warranted it. In the meanwhile, those implicated by French’s exposé were widely quoted in the press categorically denying the allegations. Grayson M.P. Murphy suggested it was libel, and Robert Sterling Clark only admitted to urging Butler to endorse “sound currency,” which at the time was just another way of saying a return to the gold standard. Meanwhile the committee seemed to have lost steam, calling fewer witnesses than expected, and the “Public Statement on Preliminary Findings” they eventually published was lackluster. It started with a statement that it “has had no evidence before it that would in the slightest degree warrant calling before it” several of the more prominent politicians, military officers, and corporate executives implicated in the testimony. The intention, it seems, was not to give in to sensationalism and to avoid the Inquisition-like practice of acting on hearsay, but the result was that the committee appeared to be saying there was little to the accusations, and to some it seemed a cover-up was underway. However, the rest of their statement, as well as the public hearing that followed, and the official report published months later showed that in fact they had ample evidence of the plot. Not only was Smedley Butler’s testimony corroborated by the reporter Paul French, but they managed to acquire correspondence between MacGuire and his superior, Murphy, showing that he had indeed been studying Fascist military organizations abroad, and they further acquired bank records indicating that MacGuire had been given access to large sums of money for which he could not account. All of this disproved the common defense that it was just idle talk, a “cocktail putsch,” and the fact that MacGuire actually offered the money to Butler further disproves the alternative explanation that MacGuire was actually conning his Wall Street backers, since approaching Butler shows he was earnestly attempting to arrange the coup. However, despite the McCormack-Dickstein committee’s final conclusion that Butler had been truthful and there had been an unsuccessful attempt by wealthy and powerful men to stage a Fascist coup, the committee’s report purposely omitted mention of the American Liberty League and the names of the major plotters, and though they stated their intention to get to the bottom of the matter, their investigation petered out and their House Un-American Activities committee was dissolved until 1938, when under a new chair it turned its attention to Communist Party infiltration. To Smedley Butler, it seemed the committee had shrunk from doing their duty, but as a rumor suggested that President Roosevelt himself had met with the committee and quashed their investigation, and since the plot itself seemed at least to have been thwarted, Butler came away appeased. What proved to be more aggravating than the committee proceedings, however, was the fact that while the Fascist plotters did not have their names dragged through the mud, General Smedley Butler did.

Almost all contemporaneous press coverage of the Business Plot treated the allegations as something laughable, lacking any evidence and manifestly untrue. Time magazine called it a “plot without plotters,” and likened Butler to George Custer for “publicly floundering in so much hot water.” The New York Times asked, “What can we believe? Apparently anything, to judge by the number of people who lend a credulous ear to the story of General Butler’s 500,000 Fascists in buckram marching on Washington to seize the government.” And if a news outlet didn’t play down the story like this, they often as not simply chose not to write about it at all. Perhaps, knowing what we know about the aforementioned Fascist leanings of the American press at the time, it is not surprising that the press treated Butler’s accusations as a farce. If we do not want to view national newspapers as being in on a conspiracy, however, since as I have argued time and again, massive conspiracies simply cannot be credited, we might find other reasons for their doubt. For example, it certainly does seem at first blush that Smedley Butler would have been the worst possible candidate to recruit for such a scheme. I spoke previously about his disillusionment with America’s foreign capitalist adventures and wars of empire, which of course are hallmarks of fascism. And he was a prominent supporter of FDR, even considering himself a friend of the president. More than that, he had recently been in the news for making anti-Mussolini, and thus anti-Fascist, remarks. In 1931, he stated in a speech that a friend of his had been riding with Benito Mussolini in his Fiat when the dictator struck and killed a child, and without stopping, belittled the importance of a single life. To give a sense of how strong the sympathy for Fascism and admiration for Mussolini was at the time, Butler had actually been arrested and almost court-martialed for the remark, something that had not happened to a general since the Civil War. Some contemporaries and historians have suggested that Butler might have lied about this hit-and-run incident to smear Mussolini, since it appeared to be an unsubstantiated rumor, and that this shows he may have also been lying about the Business Plot. However, the friend whose story he had been repeating, Cornelius Vanderbilt IV, eventually corroborated the story in his memoirs, though by his telling Mussolini had not explicitly denigrated the value of a single life, but rather simply told him to “never look back.” After all is said and done, Butler looks like an honest man whose claims were corroborated again and again. For example, another person identified as in on the plot, a national commander of the VFW, likewise denied involvement but confirmed the plot by revealing he had also been approached by “agents of Wall Street” regarding a plan to stage a coup. In fact, rather unbelievably, the very next year, Smedley Butler claimed that Father Charles Coughlin telephoned him, trying to recruit him to lead a paramilitary force in an illegal attempt to overthrow the Mexican government and further suggested that an armed insurrection was being planned in the U.S. as well. It beggars the imagination that, after Butler’s revelation of the Business Plot, Father Coughlin would try to recruit him for another such conspiracy, and some have suggested that it was a hoax on Butler, but Butler also claimed to have evidence that Coughlin’s men in New Jersey had stolen firearms from a U.S. arsenal. Furthermore, Butler himself recognized that his claims would never be believed again and still felt so strongly about it that he chose once more to inform J. Edgar Hoover about the matter, though privately this time, not taking it to the press at all. Whether or not this supposed plot of Coughlin’s was genuine, the allegations were certainly prescient, as we know Father Coughlin did build a paramilitary organization, the Christian Front, and in 1939, numerous New Jersey members were arrested and charged with stealing munitions and conspiring to overthrow the U.S. government.

From another view, the choice of the Bankers Gold Group to bring in Smedley Butler makes perfect sense. Robert Sterling Clark apparently told Butler that he was not their first choice, that in fact, many of the financial backers wanted to approach General Douglas MacArthur with their proposition instead. The fact that they ended up contacting Butler shows that they were following the playbook of other Fascist movements. Clearly Butler, the soldier’s general who was universally admired by veterans, who spoke regularly at veterans’ events, and who had already been critical of the existing leadership of the American Legion, was the perfect person to take control of the organization and lead their army. Vets would remember that Butler had been for their cause when the Bonus Army was in Washington, whereas MacArthur had driven tanks over them. Clearly what was most important, in their mind, was Butler’s ability to muster and inspire and lead the rank-and-file vets, as that was what had brought Mussolini and Hitler into power, as MacGuire had reported from his fact-finding mission in Europe. The downfall of their plan was that they presumed everyone, including Butler, had come to hate Roosevelt as much as they did, and if not, that they could always buy a change of heart and allegiance with stacks of thousand-dollar bills. And just as they misjudged Butler, they also misread public sentiment, much like the January 6th insurrectionists, likewise deluded by propaganda in the news they consumed, misjudged what the nation’s reaction to their storming of the Capitol would be. Just as MacGuire and the Bankers Gold Group modeled their proposed coup on their Fascist and Nazi predecessors, so too the similarities with January 6th are striking. The paramilitary organizations involved this time around, the Oath Keepers and the Proud Boys, whom all of America saw Donald Trump personally commanding on national television when he directed them to “stand back, stand by” during the debates, are largely comprised of military veterans. The majority of the Proud Boys indicted on seditious conspiracy are vets, and the trial of Oath Keepers founder Stewart Rhodes revealed how he manipulated veterans into joining their cause. The lesson of the Business Plot remains as important today as it might have been before January 6th, 2021, as chapters of the Proud Boys have surged all over the country since then. And now, in Brazil, we find that Bolsonaro, a Trump admirer and purveyor of similar false claims about voter fraud in Brazil, has encouraged another coup attempt modeled on those that have come before it. The old sentiment that “it can’t happen here” is now so thoroughly refuted that its alternative, “it can happen here,” has become trite. What we must remember is that it has happened here, and we must be prepared for it to happen again.

Until next time, remember, there is a difference between conspiracy speculation, which typically lacks irrefutable evidence and relies on fallacious logic, and actual conspiracies, which do occur. The difference, usually, is that the latter, inevitably, are publicly uncovered and proven to exist. The story of Smedley Butler goes to prove that someone always talks.

Further Reading

Archer, Jules. The Plot to Seize the White House: The Shocking TRUE Story of the Conspiracy to Overthrow FDR. Skyhorse Publishing, 2015.

Denton, Sally. The Plots Against the President: FDR, a Nation in Crisis, and the Rise of the American Right. Bloomsbury Press, 2012.

Galka, Bradley M. The Business Plot in the American Press. 2017. Kansas State University, Master’s Thesis, https://krex.k-state.edu/dspace/bitstream/handle/2097/38255/BradleyGalka2017.pdf.

Katz, Jonathan M. Gangsters of Capitalism. St. Martin’s Press, 2021.

The Business Plot - Part One: The Bonus Army

There was a great and immediate controversy when a congressional committee was formed to investigate the recent attempt by the powerful and wealthy to manipulate populist discontent and foment a coup against the United States government. Still fresh in the memory of the public mind were the indelible images of the marchers on Washington, DC, the “rioters,” as they were called, a motley army of them, who were also called “insurrectionists,” indicating their intention to overthrow the American democratic order, amassing on the lawn of the U.S. Capitol building as the representatives within conducted a certain business in which these marchers wanted to intervene. Many wondered what might have resulted had that ragtag army of thousands not been foiled in their undertakings, and during the later House Committee investigation, they heard what may have happened. For it came out in committee hearings that there had been an overt and credible conspiracy to incite a popular uprising for the purpose of supplanting the power of the duly elected President, and raising an explicitly Fascist dictatorship in place of our representative democracy. Especially inflammatory were the allegations that it was those in high places, men of great wealth, privilege, and political power who had been behind the plot overthrow the U.S. government. The findings of the committee were not universally believed, but many saw the truth in them, knowing that our populace had been subjected to foreign propaganda for years and that many among the elite believed a dictatorship more friendly to their interests would enable them to retain and grow their fortunes. However, many others viewed the committee as a witch hunt and believed those implicated in the plot when they denied everything even in the face of clear evidence. In the press, however, the committee’s findings were roundly mocked, with the New York Times saying “The whole story sounds like a gigantic hoax” and that “[i]t does not merit serious discussion.” Perhaps this was because newspaper magnates were themselves implicated as conspirators, or perhaps it was because the populist insurrection being discussed in the House committee was completely unrelated to the very real march on Washington that had recently taken place and in this case had only been proposed and never actually occurred. Sorry, you seem confused. What do you mean the New York Times hasn’t viewed the Capitol Insurrection skeptically? What newspaper magnates are implicated? I’m referring to William Randolph Hearst. Oh… I see the confusion. You think I’m talking about the controversy surrounding the findings of the House Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the United States Capitol. No, no, no, I’m describing the proceedings of the 1934 House Committee on Un-American Activities, which convened in the years after one controversial march on Washington to investigate the claims of an alleged conspiracy by Wall Street fat cats to astroturf another march in an attempt to seize control of the reins of government. But actually, now that you mention it, I suppose I can see the similarities.

Constant readers will realize that I discussed the Business Plot, or Wall Street Putsch, in my post “The Perils of American Democracy,” but I gave it terribly short shrift there with only about half a paragraph, and it has been a topic that I have greatly wanted to explore in more depth for a number of reasons. One is, of course, the anniversary of the January 6th insurrection. Last year, on the first anniversary, I wrote a two-part post that drew parallels between January 6th and the Wilmington insurrection of 1898. I think that my examination of that incident showed a strong parallel between the use of fake news propaganda in galvanizing such insurrections and gaslighting the larger public to misrepresent the true nature of the situation, and I think it’s lessons about white supremacy and institutional racism remain vital. Go and read the Coup on Cape Fear parts 1 and 2 if you haven’t. But I find the story of the Business Plot perhaps even more instructive when it comes to contextualizing January 6th. We are talking about a nation in economic crisis, inundated by foreign propaganda, which drove a cabal of wealthy and influential titans of industry to orchestrate a martial uprising against the seat of American government in imitation of a more organic and well-intentioned but much-maligned protest movement, all of which is clearly revealed by congressional investigators whose findings are thereafter widely disbelieved and dismissed, leading to no real justice for those who enacted the plot. As I wrote and recorded this episode, the Department of Justice had charged nearly a thousand people in connection with the Capitol Attacks, most of them rank and file participants, and only a few with actual charges of seditious conspiracy. The DOJ has maintained an impressive 99.8% conviction rate in these cases, but it can be argued that they haven’t held the ringleaders, the congresspeople and executive cabinet members who incited the attack, to account. On Monday, December 19th, the January 6th panel did refer charges against former president Donald Trump to the DoJ, including one charge of “inciting an insurrection.” However, it remains to be seen whether Merrick Garland’s DoJ will indict him, what defense he may make, and what the outcome of that indictment might be. Furthermore, the fact that his indictment and trial won’t prevent his concurrent campaign to regain the presidency further complicates matters. If he were both reelected and convicted and an attempt was made to bar him from taking his elected office, one can certainly see the current partisan Supreme Court bench considering this constitutional crisis and inevitably finding in his favor, and the fact remains that any sitting president, be it Biden or some other 2024 challenger, has the power to pardon him. So clearly the resolution of the January 6th insurrection remains up in the air, and I believe the story of how the Business Plot shook out in the end to be supremely educational and sadly, perhaps prophetic. Lastly, I was inspired to produce this series by the fantastic 8-part series Rachel Maddow Presents: Ultra. I don’t care what your opinions are of Maddow or MSNBC; this was a well-researched, lucid, fascinating, and astonishing account of a time when sitting members of congress were complicit in both a Nazi propaganda scheme and a conspiracy to overthrow the U.S. government, leading to the largest sedition trial in American history. You can consider this 2-part series a kind of unauthorized prequel to Ultra, which I hope you’ll listen to at your earliest convenience. This isn’t a paid endorsement; I just think that it’s a very important podcast that everyone should hear.

Just as the story of the January 6th insurrection must be seen in the context of the recession resulting from necessary Covid restrictions and the widespread racial justice protests of 2020, with which the Capitol Insurrection is frequently and speciously compared, so too the Business Plot must be placed in the context of the Great Depression and the march of the Bonus Expeditionary Forces on Washington, DC. It began with a crash. Rebounding from a previous economic depression, the value of stocks had inflated beyond their worth between 1921 and 1929, prompting the Federal Reserve to raise interest rates in order to slow the inflation—something we saw them doing again just last year. The resulting plummeting of stock prices in October 1929 led to the panicked sell off known as the Great Crash. But the Wall Street crash did not at first worry many or greatly affect the overall economy, since only a wealthy fraction of the populace invested in the stock market. However, a severe drought across the Great Plains, which would later come to be known as the Dust Bowl, soon led to America’s farmers facing major challenges, and a series of bank panics in the autumn of 1930 led to the “crisis of confidence” that then-President Herbert Hoover identified as the true culprit of the Great Depression. President Hoover had himself contributed to this crisis of confidence, as he had signed an international tariff act against the advice of economists that further strained the global economy and banks, especially those that provided loans to struggling farmers. All of this is a very simplistic description of the triggers of the Great Depression, but the result was that gold, upon which our currency was still based, began to leave the American economy as it was withdrawn from banks and hoarded or sent overseas by the wealthy. The very real consequence of this loss of capital was the closure of banks, the failure of businesses, mass unemployment, and hunger. Thus we get the immortal symbols of the Depression: men, women, and children, destitute, walking American roads and highways barefoot with no refuge. Soon, these symbols took on the name of the man seen as directly responsible for this catastrophe, President Herbert Hoover, who was ironically known for great humanitarian efforts overseas but remained staunchly against what he called the dole, or government assistance paid out to those in need, here at home, believing it made people lazy. Thus the carts that these Depression homeless pulled all their belongings in were dubbed Hooverwagons, and their encampments famously called Hoovervilles. Many of those affected were U.S. military veterans who had served their country bravely overseas and now could not survive in the broken economy at home. An idea arose, a lifeline for these desperate and starving veterans, that if they could just be paid their bonus early, it would mean the difference between life and death. Back in 1924, with the passage of the Bonus Act, these veterans had been promised a substantial payment for lost wages in the Great War, but in 1931, in the depths of the Depression, that bonus wasn’t to be paid for another 14 years. Veterans argued that it should be called the Tombstone Bonus, then, for most would not live to receive it.

When Hoover vetoed the immediate payout of the bonus, veterans’ organizations like the American Legion and the Veterans of Foreign Wars helped to mobilize destitute veterans all over the country into a massive protest movement. Calling itself the Bonus Expeditionary Forces, or the Bonus Army, they marched on Washington, DC, and tried to bring a petition to the White House, where they were barred at the gate. Leaving without incident, the Bonus Army would return in even greater numbers the following summer of 1932 to camp out on the lawn of the Capitol building when another bill authorizing early payment of their bonus that had been passed by the House of Representatives was being voted on by the Senate. When debate on the bill was tabled until the following year, many expected violence from the Bonus Army, but they merely sang “America the Beautiful” as they returned to the massive Hooverville that they had constructed from garbage across the river, within view of Capitol Hill. Most of the demonstrators left the city after that, but more than 8,000 of them stayed in their shantytown, the largest such Hooverville in the country. The following month, they were visited by a retired Major General who will be very important to this story. Smedley Darlington Butler was at the time a supporter of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Herbert Hoover’s rival in the ongoing 1932 campaign for the presidency. Over the course of his career in the Marines, he had led men in various American imperial campaigns throughout the Caribbean, Central America, the Philippines, and China. During the course of his career, he had seen firsthand how the military was used abroad to further the business interests of American financiers and bankers, later describing war as a racket and himself as a “gangster for capitalism.” Smedley Butler entered the Bonus Army’s Hooverville camp and expressed great sympathy for their cause. Over and over, he warned them against lawless acts, assuring them that they had “the sympathy of 120 million people in this nation,” and that they’d lose it if they rioted. But otherwise, he listened to all of their complaints, staying with them into the early hours of the morning, and encouraged their continued demonstration, reminding them that they “didn’t win the war for a select class of a few financiers,” and urging them to “[h]ang together and stick it out till the gate bars of hell freeze over.” Butler had a reputation as a soldier’s general, rather than a general’s general, in that he was far more popular among those he commanded than among those who commanded him. The stark difference between Butler and other generals would soon be demonstrated with terrible clarity.

Bonus Army protesters raise their hands to confirm they are Americans who served overseas.

A striking parallel can be seen between Hoover’s response to the Bonus Army in the summer of 1932 and Donald Trump’s response to Black Lives Matter protesters in the summer of 2020, both incidents precursors to an organized coup attempt perpetrated by those who had vehemently opposed the preceding, legitimate protest movements. All of us should remember the George Floyd protests during the summer of 2020, and how Donald Trump and his extremist boosters called the protesters “thugs,” “anarchists,” and “terrorists.” In June of 2020, peaceful racial justice protesters in Washington, DC, were tear gassed and fired on with rubber bullets as Trump threatened to “deploy the United States military and quickly solve the problem.” In a remarkable instance of history rhyming, Herbert Hoover, back in 1932, likewise believed that the Bonus Army marchers were dangerous and was considering the same measures. The nation’s top cop, J. Edgar Hoover, head of the Bureau of Investigation, precursor to the FBI, was whispering in the President’s ear that the Bonus marchers were Communist terrorists, all of them highly trained, armed with machine guns and airplanes, none of which was true, but J. Edgar Hoover was a fearmonger—that was how he built and funded the FBI, by manufacturing panic about domestic enemies. U.S. Army intelligence and General Douglas MacArthur were also telling Hoover that the Bonus marchers weren’t what they claimed to be, that they were “rabble-rousing insurrectionists and Communists” bent on revolution, which of course led to claims that they were all Jews, and that they weren’t even veterans, as they claimed. In truth, the Bonus marchers, whom MacArthur had begun derisively calling Boners, were a remarkably diverse group composed of about equal thirds white, Jewish, and Black Americans. MacArthur’s claims that they weren’t veterans were simply lies that the press amplified. The Veteran’s Administration had surveyed the Bonus Army and recorded that 94% of them were indeed vets, the majority having served overseas, and almost a quarter of them disabled in the line of duty. It’s true, maybe half of them were Communist or sympathetic to Communism, or at least with Socialist leanings, but this was not unsurprising at the time, as many in the Depression-era U.S. were more and more enamored with Communism, Socialism, and even Fascism, as we will further see. Indeed, in that very election year, the Socialist presidential candidate garnered three times the number of votes he had received in the previous election year. Certainly Communists would have liked to turn the entire Bonus Expeditionary Forces to their cause, but the fact was, most of the Bonus Army were just destitute and starving victims of the Hoover economy. In fact, they routinely destroyed Communist literature that was being circulated among them, and many embraced the mantra, “Eyes front—not left.” Just as with the BLM protests, some violence did erupt in clashes with police. When, on the President’s prompting, some veterans were evicted from derelict buildings that the police chief himself had previously arranged for them to camp in, they pushed back, some bricks were thrown, and the tousle resulted in one policeman shooting two veterans dead. Despite the fact that this was a pretty clear case of police failure to control a volatile situation, and it resulted in the deaths of demonstrators, not police, the incident was used to justify the unconscionable brutality that ensued.

General MacArthur convinced President Hoover that the situation warranted military action. MacArthur, along with his aides, future general George S. Patton and future president Dwight D. Eisenhower, were directed to expel the veterans from the city. Eisenhower and Patton apparently thought the entire thing too political and distasteful, but MacArthur appeared to relish the chance to bring the might of the U.S. Army against unarmed American citizens. In full military dress, he deployed infantrymen with fixed-bayonets, cavalry with drawn sabers, a machine gun detachment, and even five tanks onto the streets of the U.S. capital. The poorly-timed operation took place just as many federal employees clocked out for the day and entered the streets, such that crowds of Bonus Army veterans mingled with crowds of onlookers who mistook the military forces for some kind of parade. The cavalry charged the crowds, trampling men, women and children, while the infantry advanced on them, bayonet tips pressing the crowds back. Bonus marchers and city residents alike fled in abject terror as tanks ran them down and cavalrymen struck them with the flats of their sabers. Tear gas grenades burst in their midst, igniting fires and completing the transformation of the nation’s capital into a warzone. Within hours, all the Bonus Army vets had retreated to their shantytown outside the city, and despite the fact that President Hoover had ordered the military not to enter their encampment, MacArthur sent tanks, machine guns, and troops to surround the Hooverville. The veterans waved a white flag of surrender and asked for an hour to get their families out. MacArthur granted them this, and when the hour had elapsed, he sent his forces in to burn their shacks and lean-tos to the ground. President Herbert Hoover stood at a window in the White House and watched the fires. What he saw destroyed that night was not only the homeless encampment that bore his name. He was also watching his chances for reelection go up in smoke. Perhaps more than his handling of the economic crisis, his handling of the Bonus Expeditionary Forces provided his opponent, Democratic candidate Franklin Delano Roosevelt, all the ammunition he needed to win his campaign.

The burning of the Bonus Army Hooverville at Anacostia Flats.

Perhaps few words are needed to introduce the next major character in our story, FDR, as he is widely known and considered by many to be the best or at least the most influential U.S. President of the 20th century. We know FDR principally as the architect of progressive New Deal legislation that helped America begin to recover from the Great Depression and programs that provided a social safety net for the future, and as the wartime leader who shepherded us through World War II, the mobilization for which would be what finally ended Depression. We remember him as the first president to enter our homes and reassure us in his Fireside Chat radio addresses. And we remember him seated on a wheelchair, paralyzed from the waist down by infantile polio, and therefore an inspiration to all overcoming physical disability. FDR was not, however, exactly as one might imagine him. He did not, for example, contract polio as a child, as the term “infantile polio” suggests. In fact he was a vigorous outdoorsman, enjoying sailing, horseback riding, and fishing up until the day he became ill at 39 years old, and indeed, he remained athletic after his paralysis, as his physical rehabilitation regime was robust. He became an avid swimmer and even had a pool installed at the White House. Despite his good health, his critics unsurprisingly used his paralysis against him to insinuate that he was ill or diseased or even unable to discharge the duties of the offices to which he was elected. Likewise, the circumstances of his birth were often used against him. He was not of such a background as one might expect for a social reformer. He had been born into great wealth and privilege, of the Hyde Park branch of the Roosevelts, former president Teddy Roosevelt his first cousin. We might credit the influence of his father, who instilled in him the importance of working to help the suffering and the poor, for the causes he would later champion, and we might further credit Eleanor Roosevelt, his cousin, whom he married, who regularly performed volunteer work in New York slums and worked tirelessly to improve the conditions of poor women and children. FDR was never a Communist or Socialist, however, as his critics on the far right would paint him. In fact, he was an inveterate capitalist, devoted to salvaging the economy rather than changing the economic order, as those on the far left would have preferred. And those on the far left did not claim him as their own, believing that he favored fat cats with his reforms and did not go far enough in redistributing wealth. The opposition of Huey Long and Father Charles Coughlin, those two populist firebrands that history has deemed demagogues, reveals just how moderate FDR really was despite the revolutionary liberal reforms he would enact in his first hundred days. Both had supported Roosevelt in his campaign against Hoover, but in the terrible interregnum, as conditions further plummeted under the lame duck and Roosevelt—who was dutifully making plans for his first hundred days—went yachting, both turned against him, but for far different reasons, which illustrate the fact that FDR was no extremist. It happened that FDR was joined on his yachting excursion by one of the richest men in America, Vincent Astor, as well as several other wealthy members of the New York Yacht Club. Long and Father Coughlin both saw FDR as revealing himself to be a puppet of Wall Street, despite his rhetoric. To Long, this meant he served the elite, the financial powers that be, who hoarded wealth, rather than the people who were suffering without it. Father Coughlin too took FDR’s actions to indicate he was in the pocket of bankers, but as Coughlin’s ideology evolved, international banking interests came to mean an international Jewish conspiracy, which in turn meant Communism. So somehow, FDR being friendly with wealthy bankers made him a Communist, if that makes any sense. But of course, it doesn’t make much sense, for FDR had denounced bankers in particular, in no uncertain terms, as the “unscrupulous money changers” responsible for the banking crisis. And in his first hundred days, he made good on the promises of his campaign, such that those he formerly yachted with would come to view him as a “traitor to his class.”

When he took office, Roosevelt immediately declared a national bank holiday to stave off runs that would force further bank failures. In his first Fireside Chat, FDR successfully convinced many Americans to trust the banks again because of the changes he had pushed through Congress with the passage of his Emergency Banking Act, and banks saw a billion dollars returned to them over the ensuing weeks. If this was all the Emergency Banking Act had done, Wall Street would certainly have thought Roosevelt on their side. He was, after all, from a wealthy family. Surely he had a vested interest in protecting the wealthy classes. In fact, the way that Roosevelt was seizing broad executive powers in his efforts to right the ship of the American economy sat very well with many in his wealthy class, among whom Mussolini, the strong leader of Italian Fascism, had become more and more popular in recent years, in large part due to a widespread propaganda campaign in America that we will examine further in part two of this series. Many had high hopes that FDR would prove to be another Mussolini, whom they viewed as a benevolent dictator taking bold action to set his country in order. The Emergency Banking Act, however, also gave the Secretary of the Treasury the power to seize gold in an emergency. One of the principal concerns leading to the failure of the economy was the outflow of gold from the country during the ongoing crisis of confidence, and Roosevelt felt he needed the means of curtailing that if necessary. When his new executive powers suddenly enabled him to take their gold, that changed things for the wealthy. Roosevelt had assured the public that the gold standard was safe, but a couple of days after taking this power to seize gold, he signed an executive order forbidding banks to make gold payments in a further effort to prevent hoarding. This was taken as a signal that he absolutely intended to abandon the gold standard after all and resulted in even more hoarding by the very wealthy, the financiers and bankers whom FDR had been accused of serving. FDR then felt compelled to do exactly what he had promised not to, and a month and a half after taking office, he signed an executive order requiring all Americans to surrender their gold money to the U.S. government in exchange for paper currency. This was meant to be a temporary emergency measure to shore up the American gold reserves, but the wealthy, the very gold hoarders causing the emergency, worried that if they converted all their fortune into currency, rampant inflation would destroy their fortunes. To make matters worse, Roosevelt seemed intent on publicly shaming them for their gold hoarding. FDR had been pointing at gold hoarders as unpatriotic social enemies for some time, and when he took office, he threatened to have the names of all those who had recently withdrawn gold from the nation’s banks published by the press, prompting many to redeposit their gold just to avoid such disgrace. Then, Roosevelt threw his support behind the Pecora Committee, a senate subcommittee devoted to investigating and revealing to the public all the unethical and reckless practices of Wall Street insiders and financial institutions in manipulating the market, an investigation that, later that year, bolstered the passage of the Glass-Steagall Act which cleaved investment firms from banks and insured bank deposits. It is safe to say that, for every powerful enemy among the ultra-wealthy that chief counsel Ferdinand Pecora made over the course of his investigation, President Roosevelt made one as well.

Hoover and Roosevelt on the latter’s inauguration day.

On May 9th, 1933, exactly two months after his inauguration, Bonus Army marchers returned to Washington, DC. These poor veterans remained angry over the violence the former president had inflicted on them, and rightly so. They further had some gripe with the new president, FDR, who had recently slashed veterans’ benefits in order to reduce the deficit. Roosevelt, however, took a very different tack in resolving their grievances. He directed the veterans to be housed at an abandoned Army camp in Virginia, where they would be provided medical care, fed well, plied with hot coffee and even treated to concerts by the Navy Band. It was a major humanitarian effort, and to top it off, Eleanor Roosevelt, the First Lady of the United States, visited the camp and gave the protestors a sympathetic ear. This gesture was not lost on them: “Hoover sent the army,” they said, “Roosevelt sent his wife.” While Roosevelt did not work to award the vets their bonus, he did work to resolve their unemployment. One of his principal New Deal programs was the Civilian Conservation Corps, putting young, unmarried men to work planting trees and laying telephone poles. In order to help the members of the Bonus Expeditionary Forces, Roosevelt waived the original age requirement of the corps and put thousands of the disaffected veterans to work. This all seems like something of a happy ending, but there were forces conspiring against Roosevelt. I have argued in the past against conspiracy theories about so-called “smoke-filled rooms,” but here certainly, considering what we know about what followed, some such secret meetings must have been convened. The powerful enemies that Roosevelt had made were seeking a way to remove him, despite or perhaps because of all the good he was doing the country. They sought to preserve their own wealth above all else, the rest of humanity be damned, and they saw in the veterans’ organizations that had mobilized a dissident army to march on the capital a tool that in their hands could give them everything they wanted.

Until next time, remember the famous Mark Twain quote, “History Does Not Repeat Itself, But It Rhymes.” And further remember that Mark Twain never actually said or wrote that. As near as the wonderful online sleuth at Quote Investigator has been able to determine, that quote first appeared in 1970 and was later misattributed to Twain. However, Twain did once write “History never repeats itself, but the Kaleidoscopic combinations of the pictured present often seem to be constructed out of the broken fragments of antique legends,” and that’s just as true, if not quite so quotable.

Further Reading

Archer, Jules. The Plot to Seize the White House: The Shocking TRUE Story of the Conspiracy to Overthrow FDR. Skyhorse Publishing, 2015.

Denton, Sally. The Plots Against the President: FDR, a Nation in Crisis, and the Rise of the American Right. Bloomsbury Press, 2012.

Galka, Bradley M. The Business Plot in the American Press. 2017. Kansas State University, Master’s Thesis, https://krex.k-state.edu/dspace/bitstream/handle/2097/38255/BradleyGalka2017.pdf.

Katz, Jonathan M. Gangsters of Capitalism. St. Martin’s Press, 2021.