The Deluge and the Ark Seekers

The literal interpretation of the Bible has throughout history resulted in conflicts with and repudiations of science. The view of the Earth as round or of the Sun being the center of the solar system, for example, were strongly contested by biblical literalists who believed that, if the revelations of their ancient scriptures appeared to contradict a scientific revelation, then science must be wrong. Perhaps no field of science has come into greater conflict with religion than that of geology. According to Judeo-Christian tradition, God created all things over the course of six days at the beginning of time, which was almost universally placed by theologians around 4000 BCE. Thus, the discovery of fossil remains became problematic. As early as the 6th century BCE, philosopher Xenophanes of Colophon recognized that fossils were the remains of living creatures, and the great age of these remains was apparent. The presence of lifeforms that may have preceded Adam challenged two biblical notions: that no life existed prior to Adam’s creation, and that death did not exist until after the Fall of Man. Early attempts by Christian theologians to address these problems tended to the absurd. They claimed that fossils represented the early models of abandoned creations, a notion that conceives of God as a kind of tinkerer in a workshop and would seem to undercut the claim of God’s omniscience and infallibility. Otherwise, fossils were thought of by churchmen as “sports of nature,” or “capricious fabrications of God,” hidden purposely within the Earth, likely as a test of mankind’s faith in the Bible. This notion of scientific discoveries that contradicted biblical claims being tests of faith would be asserted again and again. But men of faith had another explanation up their sleeves to account for fossils: the Flood of Noah. Most of us likely know the story. Angered at the sinfulness of mankind, as well as the sexual escapades of certain rebel angels among humanity, God sent forth a deluge to wipe the slate clean. The fountains of the deep broke up, and the windows of heaven opened, and it rained for forty days and forty nights, drowning the entirety of the earth, even the highest mountains, killing all living things, even every creeping thing, except for Noah’s family and a breeding pair of every animal, who were saved from the flood in a massive boat constructed according to God’s design to preserve life. This was the perfect explanation for fossils as it was supported by the Bible and did not threaten Judeo-Christian belief, and thus early Christian apologists, like Tertullian and St. Augustine, took it up and spread it wide. In the Renaissance, though, it began to be questioned by thinkers such as Leonardo DaVinci and Bernard Palissy. In the 17th century,  Nicholas Steno pioneered the science of stratigraphy, laying the foundation, so to speak, of our modern geological principle of the superposition of rock strata, and in the 18th century, the father of modern geology, James Hutton, by examining such strata, first began to recognize the enormity of the geologic time scale. The science was irrefutable, and despite some orthodox holdouts, like Cotton Mather and others in the 19th century who believed mastodon bones were actually the bones of Nephilim giants destroyed in the Flood, gradually the thinking men of Christianity defected and came to recognize that the findings of geologists could no longer be denied, necessitating some change in their understanding of the age of the Earth and the narratives in the Bible. The fact that science and reason won out in the late 19th century may be surprising to those of us today, who, like me, were raised to believe that dinosaur bones were baked into the earth at Creation just to mess with our minds, that the Grand Canyon was formed by the Biblical Flood, and that Noah’s Ark was sitting atop a mountain in the Near East somewhere, waiting to be discovered by some brave Indiana Jones-esque archeologist. What happened between then and now to so reverse the victory of science over religious superstition?

There is a name for what happened after the 19th century victory of science over biblical literalism to explain the commonality of modern belief in the literal and inerrant truth of the Bible. We can identify as the principal reason for this change the rise of Fundamentalism, a global religious phenomenon at the beginning of the 20th century that sought to move society away from secularism and revert to a religious order, enshrining spiritual traditions over democratic or humanistic values. Specifically, in the United States, the Christian Fundamentalist revival reacted strongly against the influx of non-Protestant immigrant populations and their growing awareness of other world religions, as well as against the perceived elitism of educators who taught concepts they felt were at odds with the teachings of their scriptures. Sound familiar? One of the principal scientific doctrines that Christian fundamentalists opposed was that of evolution, which, because of the great time frames required, they felt contradicted the story of a 6-day creation in Genesis and the long formerly held notion that Creation had occurred only about 6000 years ago. In opposition to the teaching of evolution, Fundamentalists began to call their literalist biblical view Creationism, and to suggest it was an equally scientific alternative. Formerly, Creationists were content to alter their views of the Biblical story of Creation to accommodate science. These Old Earth Creationists suggested that each day of Creation actually represented an entire geological age, or that there was a gap of millions of years between the creation of heaven and earth and the creation of light, a gap omitted and unacknowledged in Genesis chapter one. But more and more, such an accommodating view seemed unacceptable to fundamentalist Creationists. One writer who rejected anything but the most strictly literal reading of Genesis was George McCready Price, a Seventh-Day Adventist. Price adhered to the teachings of his religion’s founder, Ellen G. White, who emphasized the infallibility of scriptures and who wrote extensively about visions she’d had regarding the global flood described in Genesis. Price published his pseudo-scientific Creationist writings extensively, between 1906 and his death in 1963, and even posthumously. His writings attacked evolution by exposing what he claimed were logical errors made by theoretical geologists. He criticized all the principles of stratigraphy and propped up a form of flood geology updated for the 20th century. The scientific community did not take his work seriously and his writings even drew refutation from prominent fossil experts like David Starr Jordan, the President of Stanford University, who pointed out that his claims were predicated on “scattering mistakes, omissions, and exceptions against general truths that anybody familiar with the facts in a general way can not possibly dispute.” Nevertheless, when the Scopes monkey trial, the ultimate challenge to evolution in schools, came along, Clarence Darrow relied on Price’s claims in his arguments against the Old Earth Creationist arguments of William Jennings Bryant, who saw that religion could accept science without conflict. After Price’s death, his writings on flood geology were taken up by the next generation of Creationists, who touted the idea of “Creation Science,” a contradiction in terms, of course, since such an event as divine creation cannot be observed and tested and is, therefore, outside the purview of science. Creationists John Whitcomb and Henry Morris even managed to enshrine Price’s version of flood geology as the orthodox position of fundamentalists in their 1961 book, The Genesis Flood. So-called Creation Science was eventually ruled unscientific and kept out of public school science curriculum, as was its successor, “Intelligent Design.” Both were declared little more than thinly-veiled religious crusades pretending at science. But the culture war waged from every fundamentalist preacher’s pulpit has been very successful in turning the minds of congregants like, for example, my parents, against consensus scientific fact, and organizations like the Institute for Creation Research and the Discovery Institute, as well as countless Creationist websites and groups, continue to cast doubt on the scientific reality of the great age of the earth, which has since been empirically confirmed through observation and testing countless times, such that it is beyond reasonable doubt.

George McCready Price, the resuscitator of flood geology and champion of “Creation Science.”

Ever since the Renaissance, believers in a literal global flood and Noah’s Ark have attempted to demonstrate how this fantastical story is actually very believable. Since it was taken for granted that, being in the Bible, the story must be accurate, Renaissance thinkers tried to determine how such a ship must have been designed to accommodate so many creatures. According to the scriptures, the ark was constructed out of 450 cubed cubits of gopher wood and sealed with pitch against the floodwaters, as well as supernaturally sealed up by God himself according to Genesis 7, with only one window described, apparently in the top of the vessel to let sunlight in. So there was some question of how the occupants disposed of their feces. Early 15th century Spanish theologian Alphonso Tostado handily explained this issue away by imagining the interior of the ark, with Noah’s living quarters on the upper decks and a series of stairs that allowed him and his sons to feed the animals in their stalls as well as to carry away their waste, which they must have fed into the bilge of the craft, he claimed. Hand waving the foul stench that must have emitted from such an arrangement, he explained that “[o]ne could also believe that the odour of the dung was miraculously carried off so that the air was not corrupted.” In the next century, French geometer Johannes Buteo did Tostado one better, calculating the precise interior measurements and determining how much space animals of certain kinds would require, as well as how much space would be needed for feed, and how the ship might accommodate all of this, as well as a gristmill and smokeless ovens for Noah and his family’s subsistence. From the Renaissance to the modern age of Creationism and science denial, thinkers have postulated just how the feat of housing a breeding pair of each creature could have been pulled off. Logically, they could do without pairs of any hybrid creatures, like mules. They would need only a breeding pair for all the animals such hybrid species originated from. Just how they would determine that the pair they chose would be successfully reproductive is unclear, but you could always hand wave that by suggesting God had pointed out which pairs to take aboard. However, they must have had more than a pair of some creatures so that they could feed them to the carnivores. Certain animals, of course, required more room than others. For example, snakes, some thought, would be content to wind themselves around beams and would need no chambers of their own, though I can’t imagine having loose snakes on a boat would be a great idea, especially those of a venomous variety. Johannes Buteo even considered where Noah might have fit aquariums to save species of marine life, hitting on one of the major problems with the Flood Myth: why marine lifeforms would even be destroyed by a flood. Buteo considered that perhaps fish were without sin and thus allowed to swim free outside the ark, in the waters of the Deluge.  But this was far from the last of the problems with the story. When naturalists in the Age of Exploration began to document the variety of unique animal species in different regions of the world, the question was raised, if these creatures had been made at Creation and then preserved on the same Ark, and their presence was explained by the dispersion of species after the landing of the Ark, then why were some species only found in one place while others were found in many places? This would not be the last problem with the Flood myth with which biblical literalists would have to perform mental gymnastics to contend.

One of the principal impossibilities of the story of Noah’s ark comes from the construction of such a massive and seaworthy vessel itself. Creationists will say that God himself gave Noah the ship’s specifications, or they would vaguely suggest that ancient man was capable of many great feats of engineering, as seen in the Seven Wonders of the World. The problem is, if ancient man really had this divine knowledge of massive shipbuilding, then it unaccountably disappeared afterward. If Noah lived for hundreds of years after making it back on dry land, why was this God-given science of naval architecture promptly lost? We’re meant to believe that Noah traveled to all kinds of different habitats to acquire all kinds of different animals, which would certainly mean that some species he was entirely unfamiliar with, not knowing the dangers they posed or the requirements for how best to house them. Yet somehow, he was able to design quarters for each that would allow him to water each at an appropriate height and keep each from injuring itself within its enclosure. All within a boat the size of a skyscraper that could withstand the buffeting of violent waves. It would have been the greatest feat of engineering in all human history, and if we’re to believe God provided Noah with complete instructions, blueprints, if you will, then it beggars the imagination that Noah would have been capable of reading and following them. After all, he was just a humble farmer. On that topic, how could a farmer have paid for all the timber and all the labor it would have required to build such a construct? The only comparable ancient feat of engineering, the pyramids, is estimated to have required the labor of 100,000 people. Moreover, he would have needed many tons of pitch to seal it up as the scriptures state he did, but pitch, a natural hydrocarbon formed underground at extreme pressures, would not have existed in the antediluvian world if we are to subscribe to flood geology. Lastly, there is the simple impossibility that 40 days of rain could possibly drown the entire world, even its highest mountains. Ancient apologists, using the hints in the scriptures about the firmament separating the waters above and below, as well as the verse about the fountains of the deep being broken, held the belief that there had formerly been a great mass of water suspended overhead, as well as a watery abyss below ground, all of which waters crashed down and sprang to the surface at once. But even if one were to credit such a weird cosmogony, it doesn’t explain how so much water would disappear so quickly, such that the ark could find land again after only 150 days, and after a year and change the earth was all dried out again. The suspension of disbelief required is extraordinary, leading some believers to concede that maybe it wasn’t worldwide, but rather a regional flood.

1493 artist's depiction of the construction of the Ark.

As I reported in the beginning of my series on giants, in 1872, a British banknote engraver named George Smith who was such an enthusiast of the British Museum’s collection that they hired him to study some clay fragments taken from Ninevah, cried eureka one day when he had translated a portion of the Babylonian Epic of Gilgamesh that appeared to confirm the biblical story of the Flood. In this passage, the story of Uta-Napishti or Utnapishtim is related, in which he is forewarned by the god Ea of a catastrophic flood that would be sent by the god Enlil, and therefore urged to build a ship for the survival of his family and animals that he preserves. In this version, the storm subsides after only 7 days, when his ship lands on a mountainside. As with the biblical tale, there is an account of Utnapishtim releasing a bird to ascertain whether the floodwaters had sufficiently receded. Unsurprisingly, George Smith thought he had discovered proof of the literal truth of the Bible and evidence against the geologic time scale and evolutionary theory. Unfortunately for proponents of this claim, the math doesn’t precisely line up. Those who believe in the literal interpretation of the Bible typically place Creation at around 4004 BCE, and the Flood at around 2348 BCE, judging by the dubious genealogies I discussed in the previous episode. The oldest surviving version of the Gilgamesh poem is dated to around 2000 BCE, but it purports to tell the story of a Sumerian king who, based on surviving Sumerian sources, like the Sumerian King List, likely lived around 2700 BCE. Now, to qualify this, the lengths of the reigns of antediluvian and post-diluvian kings in the Sumerian King List are just as problematic as the genealogies of Genesis, with figures ruling for many thousands of years before the flood and many hundreds of years after. Nevertheless, all signs point to the Epic of Gilgamesh being a mythical tradition that predates the story told in Genesis. And since Smith’s discovery of the Epic of Gilgamesh, other Near Eastern flood myths that predate Genesis have turned up. There is the Mesopotamian Epic of Atra-hasis, which appears to have preceded the Gilgamesh epic and to have served as the source for the story of Utnapishtim found in that poem. In this epic, Atra-Hasis is the Noah figure, warned again by Ea of Enlil’s intentions and told to build a roofed boat sealed with pitch. The predecessor of the Atra-Hasis epic, the Eridu Genesis or ancient Sumerian creation myth, was discovered in 1893 on a tablet in the ruins of the ancient city of Nippur, founded around 5000 BCE, and it was translated in 1912. In it, one Ziusudra is commanded by the god Enki to build a boat and preserve his family from the coming storm. So as we can see, rather than going to prove the veracity of the Genesis flood myth, these other Near Eastern flood myths actually show us that the Genesis flood story is just a common myth of the region, passed down from Ancient Sumeria, to Babylonia, and then incorporated into Judaism, whose founder, Abraham, is believed to have lived in Sumerian Babylon.

If the Genesis flood is merely a retelling of the Sumerian flood myth, then it would stand to reason that it is the story of a localized flood, perhaps relating to the annual flooding of the Euphrates and Tigris Rivers in Mesopotamia, which may have seemed to drown the whole world for Mesopotamians, but was certainly not a global Deluge. Some will protest this, pointing to other flood myths not originating from the region, such as the Greek myth of Deucalion, but of course, the myth of Deucalion seems to have been borrowed by the Greeks, a migration of myth, which did not require an actual flood to have taken place. It has sometimes been argued that the lack of flood myths in Asia proves that all flood myths describe a regional rather than a global event, and this certainly holds true when no flood myth appears to have been preserved by ancient civilizations. However, there were Asian flood myths. In India, the story of Manu tells of a sole survivor of a flood, who built a boat and ran aground on a mountaintop. And in China, there were no less than four separate flood myths, those of Nü Kua, Kung Kung, Kun, and Yü. Even as far away as Central America, a variety of Mesoamerican peoples appear to have had their own flood myths. This is no proof of a worldwide flood, however, but rather evidence that people everywhere are the same. If they live in an area prone to flooding, they fear the flooding, and believe it was sent by a god, and any who survive a flood in a vessel come to believe they have been spared by a god, and they tell their children as much. The variation in these more distant traditions is enough to prove that they hold little resemblance to the Near Eastern traditions and represent the separate legends of distinct regions, based on local floods if based on any actual event. In Mesoamerican myths, the survivors do not preserve animals, just themselves, in hollow logs, and afterward are turned into dogs or are obliged to repopulate the world by lying with a weird supernatural dog that takes the shape of a woman. In the Indian myth, Manu is more like Adam, being the first man, and he is told of the coming catastrophe by a fish to whom he had previously been kind. Again, not preserving animals, Manu alone survives, and creates woman by pouring sour milk into the sea after he lands. The Chinese myths are perhaps the most distinct, as they do not tell of a sole survivor that rides out the flood on a boat but rather of a hero who saves the world by controlling the flood. These myths clearly seem to have originated from flood-prone regions around the Yangtze and Yellow Rivers, where inhabitants had to develop flood management techniques, such as retention barriers and drainage, in order to survive.

The so-called Flood Tablet, containing the flood myth preserved in the Epic of Gilgamesh.

In 1997, a new, seemingly credible scientific hypothesis was published by two marine geologists, William Ryan and Walter Pitman, proposing that around 8,000 years ago, the Black Sea, which had previously been a freshwater lake, was suddenly and cataclysmically inundated by seawater that broke through a natural dam. According to them, this “sudden infill” hypothesis would mean the displacement of a great many Neolithic farmers, whose oral tradition about the catastrophe may have been the origin of Near Eastern Flood myths. By their estimation, an earthquake caused the natural dam to break, resulting in a violent jet of water they figure was 20 times more powerful than Niagara Falls. To support their theory, they produced sophisticated computer models, cited certain seafloor features they argue could only have been caused by the currents of this catastrophic inundation of saltwater, identified a “debris fan” in the area where they believed the flooding would have deposited materials, and pointed to saltwater mollusk fossils in a certain sedimentary layer that they argue must have appeared suddenly. I am not much opposed to this theory myself, as at its heart, it argues for a non-literal interpretation of Genesis. First of all, if the theory were proven accurate, it would not prove anything about the origin of the flood myth. And if one chose to believe it did, it necessitates a non-literal reading of the Bible. It would mean the flood was local, not global. It would require acknowledgement that the Genesis story is just one mythologized iteration of a mytheme passed down through multiple cultures, and it would mean the time frame of Creationists is dead wrong. The world could not have been created 6000 years ago if the flood described in Genesis occurred some 8000 year ago. However, the scientific community has not been so open to the possibility. In the years after the first work of Ryan and Pitman appeared, a great deal of peer-reviewed scholarly research was published refuting their claims. According to academic consensus today, all evidence suggests that the Black Sea gradually filled with saltwater over thousands of years prior to the date that Ryan and Pitman pinpointed. Their evidence comes from cores taken from the Black Sea floor that show sediment laid down under several meters of water at a location that Ryan and Pitman claim would have been dry at the time. Moreover, they mapped an entire history of the slow rise of water levels by identifying on the Black Sea floor the lagoons and beach ridges that steady rise must have caused. They even discovered a delta where sea water was pouring into the Black Sea 10,000 years ago. Ryan and Pitman offer alternative explanations for all their findings, but the scholarly community rightly points out that they are outliers, and that they have proceeded in their investigations on very unscientific grounds. Ryan, it seems, had been obsessed with the myth of Noah’s flood for 30 years, and all his findings are colored by his desire to prove the truth behind the myth in some way. This may have made for more popular science, grabbing the attention of news organizations and the general public, but it did not make for a sound scientific process.

William Ryan is not alone in his obsession with the Flood myth. For most, however, the object of their obsession is not geological evidence of a flood but rather the ark itself, a kind of MacGuffin artifact that many Christian wannabe Indiana Joneses have sought for about a century. These ark seekers follow clues in ancient writings as well as more modern rumors. Their first clue is in Genesis, Chapter 8 verse 4, when it says the ark came to rest “upon the mountains of Ararat.” But where is that? In the first century, CE, Flavius Josephus recorded a rumor that the ark could be found in eastern Turkey, or Armenia, a rumor that would be repeated by numerous other writers, including Eusebius of Caesarea, over the next several centuries.  Likely because of this well-known rumor, a certain mountain in Turkey came to be called Ararat by medieval Europeans. Then in the 14th century, the Travels of Sir John Mandeville was published. In this work, which I discussed in my episode on Prester John, the English knight Sir John Mandeville writes of a monk who found the ark on Ararat and managed to bring back a plank of it as proof. Mandeville gave precise details about the abbey at the base of the mountain where the plank was kept, but no such abbey has ever been found, and most scholars now believe the Travels of Sir John Mandeville is entirely fantasy, and that even its knightly author is a literary construct. In the late 19th century, rumors once more surged. In 1883, a New Zealand newspaper printed a hoax about an avalanche revealing the ark, and the story circulated widely. In 1887, one John Joseph Nouri claimed to have summited Ararat and discovered the ark. Something of a mysterious figure, he made a career out of this claim, traveling widely and lecturing about his discovery without every offering any proof. In 1940, ark seeker fever arrived in America, when a Christian fundamentalist pamphlet called New Eden published the claim that a Russian pilot named Roskovitsky had discovered the ark on Ararat in 1917. In the first example of a recurring theme about atheists attempting to hide the discovery of the ark because it represented evidence of the Bible’s accuracy, the story claimed that the Bolsheviks promptly destroyed Roskovitsky’s report on the discovery as soon as they took power. In 1982, one Violet Cummings published a book entitled Has Anybody Really Seen Noah’s Ark? in which she promoted numerous unverified rumors and fired up a generation of would-be ark-seekers. Though no one had ever found proof of Roskovitsky’s actual existence, she claimed to have tracked the story down to Roskovitsky’s widow. She also repeated a story told to her by a Seventh-Day Adventist preacher who claimed an Armenian peasant once told him about a group of British atheists hiring his father as a guide on their expedition up Ararat. They intended to prove the ark was not there, but upon finding it, they supposedly “went into a Satanic rage” and swore the peasant’s father to secrecy, threatening to torture and murder him if he ever revealed that they had found the ark. Beyond the conspiracy of atheists to cover up the truth of the Bible, the old Smithsonian cover-up chestnut also shows up in the lore of the ark seekers. In 1972, a story appeared about a joint expedition between the Smithsonian and the National Geographic Society in 1968. Supposedly, this expedition recovered all the remains of the ark, as well as the alabaster coffin of Noah, which still contained his remains. Unsurprisingly, the Smithsonian investigator, whose existence has never been confirmed, was said by the pseudonymous author, whose identity has never been revealed, to have hidden all this evidence because it would pose a problem for evolutionary theory, which it wouldn’t.

John Joseph Nouri, mystery man who claimed to have found the Ark, was at one time committed to an insane asylum in America, and was later crowned Patriarch of the Chaldean Catholic Church.

There have been numerous real expeditions to Ararat in search of Noah’s Ark. Let’s have a look at how those turned out. In 1829, Friedrich Parrot ascended Ararat, and in his account of the expedition, he claimed Armenians believed the ark was atop the summit and, conveniently, prevented anyone from getting near it out of a sense of respect for the artifact. In 1876, James Bryce climbed Ararat and claimed to have found a piece of cut wood. This represents the first of many claims of recovering ark fragments that cannot be proven genuine. In 1955, French adventurer Fernand Navarre scaled the mountain and brought back a piece, not of gopherwood but of oak. He had to lie to the Turkish government about why he was entering the country, a common aspect of more modern ark expeditions, and he took many photos of himself and his son during their climb. He claims to have found the ark, covered in ice, and to have sawed off the piece he brought back. Suspiciously, he took no photos of the actual ark. Afterward, he claimed to have had an expert in Cairo date the wood to between 4,000 and 6,000 years old, but his piece of wood has since been carbon dated to around the 7th or 8th century CE. In 1982, fundamentalist Christian astronaut James Irwin, who had undertaken an Ararat expedition after resigning from NASA, fell 100 feet down the mountain and was knocked out cold. He returned a month later, despite his wife’s concern that his head injury had left him less than rational, as he insisted his family join him and that they could do without the proper equipment. When that expedition likewise failed, he came back in 1983, this time with a guide, and he found some wood sticking out of the snow during his climb. He was sure he’d found it, but had to descend without it due to a blizzard. When he managed to find it again 11 months later, he discovered that it was, in fact, a pair of abandoned skis. So it went with Irwin’s expeditions. In 1985, Kurdish guerillas prevented his ascent. In 1986, Turkish authorities detained him and his film crew on suspicion of espionage. Eventually, he gave up, and his ill-fated attempts represent well the attempts of all ark seekers. When they aren’t lying, they are simply failing.

The efforts of Creationists to prove their flood geology and of ark seekers to discover Noah’s big boat continue today. In fact, in 2016 in Kentucky, a Creationist theme park opened called Ark Encounter, complete with a 500-foot ark that they claim is “life size” and “historically accurate,” including exhibits that show you how Noah was able to fit and feed all those animals, though the supposed replica ark is only a façade with just three decks open to the public. Elsewhere in this theme park, one can take children to visit a Creation Museum, attend presentations at the “Answers Center” that reveal “Answers in Genesis,” and even enjoy an entertaining virtual reality experience called the “Truth Traveler.” As this is all clearly an elaborate indoctrination center, children unsurprisingly receive free admission. But, today, the search for the ark is more like the search for UFOs. Rather than mounting arduous expeditions, ark seekers pore over satellite imagery and point at “anomalies,” arguing they have finally found the ark. Despite all the weight of reason and evidence to convince the world that the story of Noah’s Ark is just a myth, fundamentalists anchor their faith on the literal truth of this tale and every other tale in their religious document. Surely much of this urge can be attributed to xenophobia and ethnocentrism, for if a fundamentalist admits that the stories told by their religion are mere myths used as analogies and metaphors to teach spiritual lessons, then they must admit that other religions have about as much claim to truth as theirs. Now don’t get me wrong. Archaeology has proven the literal truth of certain elements of the Bible. For example, the real existence of Gath, home of Goliath, or the actual site of Jericho, the city in Canaan whose walls miraculously fell when the Israelites sounded their trumpets. But archaeology tends to discredit at the same time that it confirms. Excavations of Gath turn up no giant skeletons, nor do excavations of Canaanite cities like Jericho for that matter, and excavations of Jericho show that it was not highly populated and was never a walled city at the time when Joshua is supposed to have assaulted its walls. But Christians should not take the findings of science as discrediting their beliefs. Those beliefs hinge on the idea that a moral code has been vouchsafed to them by a deity. The Bible’s inherent worth is as a moral document, not as a historical record. Disproving the literal accuracy of any story within it does not reduce its value as a vehicle to convey moral lessons. If fundamentalist Christians would place more value on the spiritual content of their scriptures than on their value as any kind of accurate chronicle, they would find themselves mostly impervious to the discoveries and criticisms of scientists.

American astronaut and failed ark seeker, James Irwin.

Further Reading

Birrell, Anne. “The Four Flood Myth Traditions of Classical China.” T’oung Pao, vol. 83, no. 4-5, BRILL, 1997, pp. 213–59, doi.org/10.1163/15685322-90000015.

Conant, Eve. “In Search of Noah’s Ark.” Newsweek (International, Atlantic Edition), Newsweek LLC, 2003, p. 46–.

Holden, Constance. “‘Noah’s Flood’ Theory Questioned.” Science (American Association for the Advancement of Science), vol. 296, no. 5577, The American Association for the Advancement of Science, 2002, pp. 2331–2331, doi.org/10.1126/science.296.5577.2331a.

Kerr, Richard A. “Marine Geology. Support Is Drying up for Noah’s Flood Filling the Black Sea.” Science (American Association for the Advancement of Science), vol. 317, no. 5840, 2007, p. 886–.

Montgomery, David R. The Rocks Don’t Lie : a Geologist Investigates Noah’s Flood. 1st ed., W.W. Norton, 2012.

Moore, Robert A. “The Impossible Voyage of Noah’s Ark.” Creation/Evolution Journal, vol. 4, no. 1, Winter 1983.  National Center for Science Education, ncse.ngo/impossible-voyage-noahs-ark.

Schiermeier, Quirin. “Noah’s Flood.” Nature (London), vol. 430, no. 7001, 2004, pp. 718–19, doi.org/10.1038/430718a.

Toumey, Christopher P. “Who’s Seen Noah’s Ark? (controversial Ark Sightings).” Natural History, vol. 106, no. 9, Natural History Magazine, Inc, 1997, pp. 14–17.

Weber, Christopher Gregory. “The Fatal Flaws of Flood Geology.” Creation/Evolution Journal, vol. 1, no. 1, Summer 1980.  National Center for Science Education, ncse.ngo/fatal-flaws-flood-geology.

The Myth of a Lost Mound Builder Race

The first European explorers and settlers to set foot in North America during the 15th and 16th centuries found many large conical hills dotting the landscape of certain regions. During Hernando De Soto’s expedition across what is today the southeastern United States, he and his men passed by many of these and believed them to be nothing more than hills, but others he saw in the midst of populous native cities, with temples and the houses of chiefs built atop them, and he understood them to be manmade. By the time of French and English exploration and settlement, after De Soto’s expedition had decimated indigenous populations by introducing European disease, the cities too had disappeared, leaving only the earthen mounds, which looked to many an untrained eye like natural features of the landscape. Eventually, though, it became common knowledge that these were actually tumuli, or burial mounds, akin to the barrows of the Old World, and they were frequently destroyed by farmers seeking to level their fields, or by treasure-hunters who never found the riches they dreamed of within, just skeletons and artifacts that would only be of interest to antiquarians. Before the Revolutionary War, the consensus among the educated and scientifically-minded was that, of course, they had been built by the tribes of Native Americans who had first been encountered in the New World and who still remained there, in constant conflict with white settlers, but gradually, this belief came to be replaced by the idea that Native Americans, whom they considered “savages,” simply did not have the wherewithal to build such monuments. Rather, they must have been the work of a predecessor race, a superior breed of people more like Europeans and thus probably white, who had been wiped out by the native peoples they believed to be so barbarous. This myth of a lost race of mound-builders would breed countless theories of pre-Columbian transoceanic contact, as did the question of the origin of Native American peoples, and eventually, it would be enshrined in a uniquely American religion. It seems to have started with the vivid imagination of a Congregationalist preacher named Solomon Spalding, who encountered theories about the Old-World origins of a Mound Builder race in college at Dartmouth. After giving up preaching, he lived first in Western New York, before moving to Ohio, both regions with numerous ancient mounds, about which locals and visiting antiquarians told many stories and shared many theories. Eventually, Spalding shared his own, very publicly, telling many an acquaintance about a historical romance, or fiction, that he was writing, and sharing various drafts of it with whoever wanted to read it. The principal conceit of his story was that it was a translation of an ancient scroll found in a burial mound, which revealed the hidden history of the Mound Builder race. His manuscript would never be published, but, as some testimony reveals, it may have been taken from a printer’s office and copied by a young Baptist minister named Sidney Rigdon. After that, a young burial mound treasure-hunter in Western New York named Joseph Smith began claiming that an angel had revealed to him the location of a book of gold plates buried within a mound, which once translated by Smith, likewise told the story of the lost Mound Builder race. The fact that, later the same year that Smith published The Book of Mormon, Sidney Rigdon and several members of his congregation in Ohio would be converted to the new religion, and Rigdon would become Smith’s chief lieutenant, has led many to suspect that Rigdon planted the seeds of this new religion by secretly providing Solomon Spalding’s manuscript to Joseph Smith for use as a model. Whatever the truth of the matter may be, the entire basis of Mormonism, a religion claiming nearly 17 million converts today, remains that the ancient Mound Builders of America were actually a remnant of the Lost Tribes of Israel who found their way to the New World. According to the Book of Mormon, Native Americans too are descended from these Lost Tribes, but are derived from a separate tribe that engaged in idolatry and therefore were cursed with dark skin and descended into savagery, destroying the light-skinned Mound Builder tribe. This is the core of a quintessentially American myth, that the impressive ancient earthworks of our land were not constructed by the ancestors of the Native Americans we know, but rather that Native American peoples savagely wiped out this noble and white antecedent race. It is a myth that reveals the foundational racism that our country was built on, and that, despite having long been irrefutably debunked, survives today, in the dogma of the Latter-Day Saints, in the deceptive pseudohistorical work of several influential authors, and among the thickets of false claims blithely made online.

A depiction of Joseph Smith, who in his youth had been a treasure hunter, excavating a mound after he had founded a religion on the idea of a lost Mound Builder race.

The subject of this episode is one for which I have laid an extensive foundation. Many topics that have long been of interest to me, and that I have written about, in the podcast and in my historical fiction, are closely related to the myth of a lost Mound Building race in ancient America. Most recently, obviously, my series on giants ties directly into it, as 19th century claims of uncovering enormous skeletons in Native American burial mounds were encouraged by the idea that Native Americans could not have created such gigantic earthworks, and that instead they had been constructed by a mythical lost race in antiquity. In fact, as I mentioned briefly, Aaron Wright of Conneaut, Ohio, who is said to have claimed that he found a giant skull that fit over his head like a helmet, actually knew Solomon Spalding and gave testimony regarding the similarity of Spalding’s manuscript to Joseph Smith’s Book of Mormon. The claims about giant remains in Conneaut mounds were certainly one among the many stories about Mound Builders that inspired Spalding, and probably, by extension, Mormonism. If you want to learn more about the relationship between Mound Builder legends and treasure-hunting and Mormonism, including a depiction of a likely scenario for how the Book of Mormon was composed and what influenced its composition, I wrote a historical novel all about it, which I researched and wrote over the course of a decade. Some of the subject matter relevant to both Mormonism and the Mound Builder myth I discussed at length last year in my series on the Lost Tribes of Israel, and I followed up that series with a survey of the many inscribed stone frauds that have been perpetrated to support the pre-Columbian transoceanic contact claims and, more specifically, the supposed Hebraic origins of Native Americans, a few of which I also dramatized in fiction. In fact, this story, of the quintessentially American myth of a lost Mound Builder race, even corresponds with the myth of an Aryan race, which I devoted most of an episode to discussing in my three-part series on Nazi Occultism years ago. In the late 18th century, an English linguist in British-controlled India named William Jones, remarking on the connections between Sanskrit and Latin and Greek and unable to conceive that something of value might have been contributed to mankind by a people of color, came to the baseless conclusion that an unknown white race had first brought this Proto-Indo-European language to India, and had since “degenerated” through racial admixture with the dark-skinned native peoples of India. This, of course, was the birth of a doctrine that would drive Nazi racial theories more than a hundred years later in Germany, and that survives today, sadly thriving in the dark dens and bastions of White Nationalist groups like the Ku Klux Klan, neo-Nazis, skinheads, neo-Confederates, the Christian Identity movement, and the Alt-Right. But long before it inspired these groups, it inspired the white inhabitants of a newly-independent United States of America to likewise imagine that there had once been a white predecessor race in their country as well, one quite superior to the Native Americans with whom they were locked in a perennial struggle for possession of these ancient lands.

Just as there were many theories about the racial heritage of Native American peoples, many and varied were the pet theories about the origins of the Mound Builder race that, by the mid-19th century, were believed by most Americans to have preceded them. Reflecting this connection to the myth of an Aryan race that was popularized by scholars in British India, some theories suggested the Mound Builders had been “Hindoos.” Of course, the term “Hindus” actually refers to a specific religious group, but these Mound Builder claims used it more generally to mean supposed ancient immigrants from the Indian subcontinent, likely meaning the mythical Aryan race posited at the time. It is ironic that these theorists refused to believe that the peoples they wrongly called “Indians” were responsible for the mounds, preferring instead to credit peoples more accurately called “Indians.” James McCulloh’s Researches on America, for example, suggested that the ancient Asian ancestors of Native Americans who crossed into the Americas via the land bridge at Beringia were more specifically from India, and that they had been trapped here by the sinking of Atlantis. Likewise, John Clifford’s “Indian Antiquities,” a series of letters published in Western Review, perceived similarities between the myths of Native Americans and the cultures of India, and though Judeo-Christian tradition had nothing to do with either, he believed the Bible provided insight into the construction of mounds in America, suggesting they had been further attempts to build to the sky after the fall of the Tower of Babel. Both men actually suggested that, though descended from “Hindoos,” it was indeed Native Americans who had built the mound—but not the native peoples of North America, whom they agreed were incapable of such feats. Rather, they argued it had been those indigenous to Mexico, the so-called Toltec peoples, who had been known to build impressive stone pyramids in Central America. This notion that the Toltec or Aztec Mesoamerican cultures actually originated as the Mound Builders before moving southward was quite popular, and it retained the critical element that the Native American tribes of the day were inferior, could not of built the mounds themselves, and likely drove the superior mound-building culture southward with their violent depredations.

Painting of Mound Builder Myth proponent Caleb Atwater.

The arguments of McCulloh and Clifford were further promoted in 1820 by Caleb Atwater, in his Description of the Antiquities Discovered in the State of Ohio and Other Western States. Close listeners to the preceding series on giants may recall the antiquarian Atwater had been excavating mounds in Conneaut, Ohio, and had declared that the skeletons there were very small, effectively refuting the claims that local man Aaron Wright had found giant skeletons in Conneaut’s tumuli. Atwater’s work borrowed heavily from John Clifford, and Clifford’s partner, French polymath Constantine Rafinesque, took umbrage, afterward engaging in a lifelong feud with Atwater, whose theory of Native American origins he vehemently opposed, so much so that, taking a cue from Joseph Smith, he would eventually resort to perpetrating a found manuscript hoax of his own to convince the world of his more traditional view of the Asiatic origins of Native Americans, a fraud I plan to discuss further in a patron exclusive episode. But attempting to disabuse the intellectual elite of their quickly multiplying historical fantasies was a losing battle. The Hindu/Toltec theory was only one among a plethora of popular notions about who the lost Mound Builders had been, and most of them were popularized by the work of one man, Josiah Priest, an undereducated leatherworker who started his writing career in 1825 publishing a work, The Wonders of Nature and Providence Displayed, that pieced together the work of other writers, including Ethan Smith, whose work View of the Hebrews had popularized the notion that Native Americans were actually Jews from the Lost Tribes of Israel. But in Priest’s later 1833 work, American Antiquities, and Discoveries in the West, he attempted to synthesize numerous competing theories about the origins of the Mound Builders. No longer were they merely lost Israelites, but also Egyptians, Phoenicians, Greeks, Norwegians, the Chinese and the Welsh. To give an example of his arguments, let’s look at the last group, the Welsh. Priest raises the Welsh myth of Prince Madoc, who was said to have sailed to America in the 12th century, and he shares certain claims about Native American tribes that some believed, without convincing evidence, could be of Welsh extraction. This legend had formerly been used by Queen Elizabeth to assert a claim over the new world, but the legend itself only appeared after Columbus’s voyage, in poetry, seemingly adapted from medieval tales such as the legendary voyage of the Celt, Brendan the Navigator. This is a good example of the unreliability of the claims of pre-Columbian transoceanic contact that were folded into the myth of a lost Mound Builder race, which Josiah Priest gathered and attempted to stitch together in his work, whose subtitle describes well the claims of this myth generally: “Being an Exhibition of the Evidence that an Ancient Population of Partially Civilized Nations, Differing Entirely from Those of the Present Indians, Peopled America Many Centuries before Its Discovery By Columbus, and Inquiries into Their Origin, with a Copious Description of Many of Their Stupendous Works Now in Ruins, with Conjectures Concerning What May Have Become of Them.” By this time, theories about Mound Builders had moved from a highly debated topic among an intellectual elite to a fashionable issue for discussion among less educated folk, who were Josiah Priest’s readership, and the notion of a lost Mound Builder race, whatever their origin, had proven entirely more popular.

That wasn’t always the case. In fact, prior to the Revolution, it was common for those who took an interest in mounds to logically assume they were the work of the only known residents of North America. In fact, as detailed in one of my principal sources, the exhaustively researched The Mound Builder Myth: Fake History and the Hunt for a “Lost White Race” by Jason Colavito, a founding father and one of probably the earliest scientific investigators of mounds, Thomas Jefferson, strongly believed that Native Americans had built these tumuli. He had good reason to believe it, since he had several times seen local Native Americans make pilgrimages to a mound on his property known as Indian Grave. Later in life, he made a study of the country’s tumuli, noting the difference between temple platform mounds that had been observed by the Spanish and burial mounds like the one on his property, and in order to answer questions of whether these were cemeteries used over generations or mass graves used in the aftermath of battle, he undertook a cautious and systematic excavation of Indian Grave. In doing so, as Colavito notes, he essentially invented the practices of modern archaeology, in stark contrast to the haphazard and destructive excavations of antiquaries of the day. Jefferson’s study, which presumed as an undisputable given that all such mounds were the work of “Aboriginal Indians,” would be spread far and wide, and in fact would end up reproduced in the Encyclopedia Britannica from 1797 to 1823. However, the encyclopedia placed Jefferson’s description in its section on barrows, tacitly comparing this practice with Old World funerary customs and thereby contributing to the growth of the myth that they had been constructed by some culture other than that of Native Americans.

Depiction of a cross-sectional mound excavation like that which Thomas Jefferson pioneered.

This implicit suggestion in the Encyclopedia Britannica was still something of an outlier view in the 1780s, but it came to be the view of Daniel Webster, of Webster’s Dictionary fame, who accepted Jefferson’s conclusions about Native Americans being responsible for smaller burial mounds but insisted that larger mounds and temple platforms must have been the work of Spaniards, a common enough claim at the time, or of ancient Celtic immigrants, given their similarity to European barrows. But such a view was certainly not commonly accepted yet and was even controversial. One who took exception to Webster’s claims was Brigadier General George Rogers Clark, a great American patriot called “Conqueror of the Old Northwest” for his role in winning the Northwest Territory from the British in the Revolutionary War. Clark had seen many a mound in that region and scoffed at the idea that De Soto’s expeditionary forces could possibly have constructed them during the few years of their inland exploration. Moreover, in contradiction to a central tenet of the Mound Builder Myth, that extant Native Americans had no knowledge of who had built the mounds, Clark informed Webster that, in his communications with leaders of the Kaskaskia and Cahokia tribes, they explicitly told him that the mounds had been built by their ancestors, in a time when they had been far more populous and gathered in “large towns,” specifically indicating that mounds were not only burial grounds and temple platforms, but also served as the location of the “palace” of a tribe’s leader, which supports our modern understanding of the uses of some mounds. Again, in 1803, the Reverend Dr. James Madison of the American Philosophical Society argued that the mounds were the work of Native Americans, but he was countered a couple years afterward by Unitarian minister and Harvard librarian Thaddeus Harris, who argued that Native Americans simply were not ingenious enough to accomplish such works, taking instead the view, which would become so popular, that they were the work of a Mexican native culture. So we see at the turn of the 19th century the myth in its infancy, still resisted by the rational and scientific-minded, but it was not long before it exploded, making this fiction into consensus reality. 

The growth of the myth was helped early on by the claim that another Founding Father, Benjamin Franklin, took a view opposite that of Thomas Jefferson. According to Michel-Guillaume-Saint-Jean de Crèvecoeur, a French consul who claimed to have travelled in America with him, Ben Franklin scoffed at the notion of an Asiatic origin of Native Americans, preferring the notion that Inuit peoples had immigrated to the continent from Scandinavia and the tribes of the American South from Mexico. Writing in 1801, Crèvecoeur says Franklin likened burial mounds to European barrows and insisted, like others, that Native Americans had no knowledge of their construction, which of course was blatantly false, as Clark had already shown and as other evidence which I will later review further shows. Crèvecoeur writes that Franklin believed the Mound Builder “much further advanced in civilization than our Indians,” and looked forward to a time “[w]hen the population of the United States shall have spread over every part of that vast and beautiful region,” believing that “posterity, aided by new discoveries, may then perhaps form more satisfactory conjectures.” As Jason Colavito astutely discerns, this grasping after some grand lost history does indeed seem to represent a desire for the creation of a history for America that could rival the storied pasts of European nations, but more than that, these words about spreading across the continent reflect the growing desire for westward expansion, a tendency that would find its apotheosis, later that century, in the doctrine of Manifest Destiny. In reality, Crèvecoeur had entirely fabricated the remarks of Benjamin Franklin, plagiarizing and adapting the words of others and placing them into the Founding Father’s mouth. Franklin actually believed the unsupportable argument that Spaniards had built the mounds of North America. We know this to be false, since the chronicles of Spanish explorers actually record their expeditions’ encounters with native cities and make specific mention of mounds.  Nevertheless, the remarks Crèvecoeur falsely attributed to Franklin would later be reprinted, devoid of context, in an encyclopedia and would be read and believed by many.

Portrait of Michel-Guillaume-Saint-Jean de Crèvecoeur, literary hoaxer and plagiarist.

While Franklin’s sentiments on this topic may have been falsified, other prominent politicians of the day evinced genuine belief in the Mound Builder myth. In 1811, DeWitt Clinton, Mayor of New York City, Lieutenant Governor of the state and soon-to-be presidential candidate, gave a speech to the New-York Historical Society in which he stated that the mounds were not temple platforms or burial places but military fortifications built by a lost race that had been destroyed in a race war by extant Native Americans, and he suggested that any native peoples who claimed they were the work of their ancestors were simply trying to take credit for feats their people did not actually accomplish. Years later, after acceding to the governorship, Clinton refined his claims to argue that this lost Mound Builder race was in fact the Scythians, which, as you may recall from my episode about the Tartaria delusion, was a vague racial designation applied to all peoples residing north of the Black Sea and east of Europe. In 1830, President Andrew Jackson devoted much of his State of the Union report to promoting the myth of a lost Mound Builder race, stating, “In the monuments and fortresses of an unknown people, spread over the extensive regions of the west, we behold the memorials of a once powerful race, which was exterminated, or has disappeared, to make room for the existing savage tribes.” And in 1837, future president William Henry Harrison addressed the Historical and Philosophical Society of Ohio, stating that an ancient people, ancestors of the Aztecs of Mexico, had originated within the boundaries of the U.S. and built the “stupendous” earthen mounds here before fleeing “from the face of a tyrant, and the oppressions of unfeeling taskmasters,” suggesting the Mound Builders “had been made to yield to a more numerous…people…. Forced to fly before a new swarm from some northern or southern hive.” Jackson was a Democrat, and Harrison a Whig, but in this point there was broad bipartisan agreement. Indeed, both men had distinguished themselves in the American Indian Wars, which still raged and would continue to the end of the century. And here we approach the real heart of darkness within the Mound Builder myth: that it was a tool of propaganda used to justify their subjugation of Native American tribes.
In case you weren’t paying attention in your high school history class or your Survey of American history course in college, or in the likely event that your curriculum gave this aspect of American history short shrift, allow me to highlight it here. From the colonial period, through the Revolutionary War, the War of 1812, The Mexican-American War, the Civil War, and the Spanish-American War, the United States was in a sporadic but near constant state of war with Native American tribes. These are typically better known by the names of individual conflicts with specific tribes or regions, such as the Cherokee-American Wars or Chickamauga Wars, the Northwest Indian War, Tecumseh’s War, in which William Henry Harrison was intimately involved, and the Creek and Seminole Wars, fought ruthlessly by General Andrew Jackson. Then, during his Presidency, with the passage of the Indian Removal Act, Jackson, with Congress’s approval, used the full power of the U.S. government to forcibly relocate Native American tribes to land promised them beyond the Mississippi, an unfathomably destructive displacement involving concentration camps and death marches and precipitating further conflicts, such as the Second Seminole War. Among the numerous tribes forced to take the “Trail of Tears,” the Choctaw, the Creek, the Chickasaw, the Cherokee, and the Seminole, historians estimate as many as 15,000 perished from diseases like cholera and dysentery. Those who survived would see their treaties broken once again as white settlers continued to press westward and settle the frontier lands that had been promised to them, triggering battles like Little Bighorn, and massacres like Wounded Knee. Surviving tribes would find themselves hemmed into reservations, and see their children taken and indoctrinated in draconic reeducation camps they called schools. The terrible irony is that Native American peoples had built impressive and populous cities and had established healthy trade relations across a vast and prosperous culture that was laid low by European disease and massacre, reducing their cities to abandoned mounds and their peoples to nomadic warrior tribes. Yet the pale-faced interloper had the audacity to tell them that those cities hadn’t been built by such as they, that some superior race had constructed those cities, and that they deserved to be driven from their lands and hunted to extinction because they had done the same to the builders of those cities—their cities! It is difficult to find a more appropriate word for our treatment of Native American peoples than “genocide.” Indeed, our push westward for more land to settle and our concomitant annihilation of the Native Americans that stood in our way would eventually inspire Hitler and the Nazis in their push for lebensraum, and the race myths they used to justify genocide were not unlike our own.

As belief in the myth of a lost Mound Builder race became the political dogma of the U.S. government during Indian Removal and thus became common among the public, it gradually came to be considered empirical truth even by the scientific community, thus entering textbooks and furthering its propagation. During the 1840s, the most ambitious survey of these earthworks, excavating some 200 mounds, was undertaken between 1845 and 1847 by Ephraim Squier and Edwin Davis, and their report, Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley, ended up being the first publication of the Smithsonian Institution. In it, they draw the conclusion that, since the earthworks themselves and some artwork found within was supposedly “immeasurably beyond anything which the North American Indians are known to produce, even to this day,” the mounds must have been the work of some superior race, likely related to Central or South American civilizations. With this work’s flawed conjecture, the myth was for several decades enshrined as unassailable science, and in 1847, we see the first example of a textbook, History of the United States of America, Designed for Schools, promulgating the falsehood. A quarter century later, the myth was still going strong in history primers like that written by George Quackenbos, and even in grammar texts, like that of John Jacob Anderson. One of the most ambitious history publications of the 1870s, the mostly cribbed and ghost written 39-volume history of eastern North America by Hubert Howe Bancroft, further disseminated the myth. Among the evidence leveraged by many of these scientists, historians, and textbook compilers were a variety of hoaxes that had been perpetrated with the express purpose of providing evidence for the lost race hypothesis. One was The Traditions of De-Coo-Dah, a book written by antiquarian and Mound Builder myth believer William Pidgeon, published in 1852, in which he dubiously claimed that a mysterious old Native American man had entrusted him with the secret truth about the Scandinavian origin of the ancient Mound Builders. Likewise, in 1859, one Nelson Lee falsely claimed to have been a captive of the Comanche and to have been told by a Chief Rolling Thunder about a race of ten-foot white men who had built the ancient earthworks. Most of the fraudulent evidence for the myth came in the form of inscribed stone hoaxes, though, most of which I previously discussed in my episode “Written in Stone: The Archaeological Frauds of Pre-Columbian Trans-Oceanic Contact Theories” and some of which I dramatized in fiction that I released in patron exclusive audio productions. These include Dighton Rock, the Grave Creek Stone, The Newark Holy Stones, the Bat Creek inscription, and the Michigan Relics. There was one such inscribed stone fraud which I mentioned only in passing at the time, though, which I think illustrates well the false evidence leveraged by writers promoting the myth of a lost Mound Builder race during these years, and I will tell its story here, intertwined as it is with the final scientific repudiation of the myth.

Illustration of the fictional De-Coo-Dah

In 1877, a Lutheran minister named Jacob Gass who spoke only German fluently and thus preached principally to German immigrants, made a seemingly astounding discovery during some of the mound explorations on a farm near Davenport, Iowa, that he had undertaken out of a great interest in antiquities.  At the time, the most pressing questions, the resolution of which would make any local scientific academy world famous, were, of course, the identity of the mysterious Mound Building race, and also whether man existed contemporaneously with the mastodon. Astonishingly, Gass pulled inscribed tablets out of the mound that seemed to conveniently resolve both of these mysteries. First, they appeared to bear written language, alphabetic signs that thus proved the ancient existence of a culture separate from that of known Native Americans, who never developed a syllabary until the Cherokee created a writing system in 1821. The presence of writing was common among inscribed stone frauds, of course, but the Davenport Tablets went further. With illustrations, it depicted the earthworks of the Mound Builders being used as altars for human sacrifice. Another illustration depicts a mastodon or elephant, handily answering the question of whether that animal lived simultaneously with the Mound Builders. The plate was further found with some pipes carved into the same elephantine shape. And lastly, a separate tablet appeared to depict astrological symbols and the makings of a calendar, firing further speculation about the Old World origins of these mound-building people. The Davenport Tablets made Gass and the Davenport Academy fantastically famous, and numerous scholars supported their authenticity, citing these artifacts and their questionable translations of the characters inscribed thereon as proof that the Mound Builders were descended from Noah after the Flood, or that they were Hittites, or whatever pet theory they wanted to spread. Eventually, though, some scholars expressed doubt, most notably Cyrus Thomas, the new head of archaeology for the Smithsonian Institution who would go on to finally destroy the Mound Builder myth in academia. He pointed out the ludicrous coincidence of these items conveniently answering all the most popular questions of the day, all being found by the same man. He pointed out that Gass’s own descriptions of the find indicated that the burial place where he found the items appeared disturbed, with bones scattered, unlike the orderly burials with complete skeletons observed elsewhere at the same site, suggesting some intrusive and more recent burial during which the tablets may have been planted. And finally, he cited rumors that Gass had been involved in the discovery of several fraudulent artifacts before. The controversy did not die easily, but almost a hundred years later, in 1970, University of Iowa professor Marshall McKusick appears to have solved the mystery, demonstrating that a conspiracy of men had planted the artifacts, which they had carved from slate roof shingles stolen from a local brothel, and planted them as a prank on Reverend Gass, whom they called a “windjammer and a liar.” When the sham items suddenly became valuable because scientific academies wanted to buy them, though, they ended up covering up their fraud, in many cases with the assistance of the academics who so yearned for the artifacts to be genuine!

The Davenport Tablets.

This demonstrates how thoroughly the myth of a lost Mound Builder race had taken hold of not just the public but scholars as well by the 1880s, when, as it happened, the Smithsonian and its Bureau of Ethnology had come under the leadership of John Wesley Powell, who strongly, and correctly, doubted the myth. Such was the pressure from the government that the Bureau served that Powell at first had to appoint a believer in the Mound Builder myth to head up their investigation of earthworks, but thankfully, Powell found reason to fire him and hire Cyrus Thomas instead, knowing full well that Thomas would not shy from refuting the myth. After nearly a decade of systematic research as the principal archaeologist in the Bureau’s Mound Exploration Division, Cyrus Thomas published his 700-page Report on the Mound Explorations of the Bureau of Ethnology, in which he methodically disproved the myth of a lost Mound Builder race and demonstrated that they were, indeed, the work of the ancestors of known Native American peoples. He unceremoniously demolished the supposed evidence of inscribed stones, showing them to be frauds, and he denied the claims that Native American culture was too undeveloped to have organized such civilizations. Evidence provided by De Soto’s chronicler reveals, after all, that at the time of first European contact, many Native Americans lived in populous walled cities that demonstrated large-scale agricultural cultivation. Thomas further refuted the claim that Native Americans had no knowledge of who had constructed the earthworks and had never been seen to build such mounds themselves, citing specific historical accounts of both. He further disproved the claim that metal artifacts discovered in mounds revealed metallurgical skills that Native Americans had never been seen to possess, revealing that these objects had been made from copper native to Michigan, requiring no metallurgy, and since such copper artifacts were discovered even at a great distance from Michigan, it just served as further evidence of the sophistication of Native American civilization prior to European contact, as they must have had established trade networks from Michigan all the way down to Florida. Cyrus Thomas’s final conclusion that “the theory which attributes these works to the Indians [was] the correct one” reverberated through the scientific community. No scholars worth their salt would ever again make such fools of themselves as to resurrect the myth of the Mound Builders.

Cyrus Thomas, the man who disproved the myth of a lost race of Mound Builders.

Unfortunately, such a sea change in academic thought does not always filter down to public opinion, and as Jason Colavito shows in his thorough work, the popular press continued publishing books that promoted the myth long after Cyrus Thomas had decimated it in his report, just as newspapers continued to publish giant hoaxes that fed into it. The myth seemed to disappear during the middle of the 20th century, but in the late 1960s, the myth was folded into the growing UFO myth when Erich von Däniken published his book positing the visitation of ancient astronauts. Suddenly the American earthworks were not just the work of a lost white race, or of giants, but of aliens. Anybody, it seems, but Native Americans. Other fringe pseudohistorians, Most notably Graham Hancock, have since taken up Däniken’s torch, and broadcast and cable television have been some of the worst purveyors of this nonsense, producing slick and sensationalist specials on the topic. The History Channel is perhaps the party guiltiest of propping up this long-disproven racist myth in series like Ancient Aliens and America Unearthed. Meanwhile, on the Internet, promoted by mystic wackos and conspiracy theorists who believe the Smithsonian is involved in covering up the truth, the Mound Builder myth thrives, co-opted and supported, unsurprisingly, by White Nationalists who appreciate its claims of superior white antecedents. Even as recently as 2019, Graham Hancock published a bestselling volume titled America Before: The Key to Earth’s Lost Civilization, in which he perpetuates a mythical connection between Native American earthworks and the lost continent of Atlantis. So as we have seen with countless topics, even if an idea has long been debunked, it seems there will always be a market for frauds, hoaxes, and myths, even when, at their dark heart, they represent an evil and destructive ideology.

 

Further Reading

Colavito, Jason. The Mound Builder Myth: Fake History and the Hunt for a “Lost While Race.” University of Oklahoma Press, 2020.

Feder, Kenneth L. Frauds, Myths, and Mysteries: Science and Pseudoscience in Archaeology. 10th ed., Oxford University Press, 2020.

McKusick, Marshall. The Davenport Conspiracy. The Office of the State Archaeologist of Iowa, 1970.

Silverberg, Robert. Mound Builders of Ancient America: The Archaeology of a Myth. New York Graphic Society, 1968.

No Bones About It! Part Two: GIANTS in the "New World"

During the era of European exploration and colonization, as the Columbian Exchange created a flow of crops, diseases, and beliefs between continents, new legends of giants came back from overseas. Early European settlers came to believe that some native inhabitants of the “New World,” that seemingly mythic and alien land across the globe, were themselves giants. But were these merely the exaggerations of explorers seeing for the first time a new people that impressed them, just as in biblical times the Israelites saw the robust inhabitants of Canaan and feared them as giants, as I discussed in part one of this series? For example, it is said that Tuscaloosa, the chieftain of Mississipian tribes in the modern day state of Alabama was a great giant whose stature impressed conquistador Hernán De Soto. But how tall was he really? Apparently he towered at about a foot and a half over all of De Soto’s Spaniards, but this is no precise measurement, and it is a well-known fact that the average height of European colonizers was relatively low, at about five and a half feet, give or take some inches. So it sounds more like Tuscaloosa was just a tall man well over six feet, and given that he was said to be the most impressive of his chiefdom—unsurprising, since an imposing physical presence has helped many a man in many a culture rise to power—we can otherwise infer that the rest of his subjects were of rather more average height. Similarly, when John Smith explored and mapped the Chesapeake region in 1608, he reported a “giant-like people” inhabiting the Susquehanna River’s mouth. Specifically, he described “the greatest of them…The calfe of whose leg was three quarters of a yard about, and all the rest of his limbs so answerable to that proportion.” Now, this description seems rather more focused on the brawn of the tribe he ended up calling the Susquehannocks, with mention of their height curiously absent. And again, like the Israelite spies in Canaan saying, “Hey, we  may not want to mess with them, they’re giants,” John Smith gives this description on his maps as a warning to colonists, and we have no way of knowing how exaggerated it may be. We do know that over the next hundred years or so, these Susquehannocks had further contact with European settlers in Maryland and with the French during the Beaver Wars, and there is little further mention of them being giants. So was it hyperbole, or had Smith just seen one really big guy, but not preternaturally large? Even among Native Americans themselves, there are legends of giants, and we see them engaging in the same kind of exaggeration of the other as being gigantic. Among the tribes of the Iroquois Confederacy, there was legend that the Erie tribe were a bunch of giant cannibals, but again, European contact with the Erie does not bear out such claims. It seems, rather, that the Iroquois Confederacy were just slandering their enemies, whom they would eventually destroy, along with all their allies. As we saw in part one, ancient folklore and poetry cannot be treated as credible evidence, and now we may categorize the reports of explorers in the same realm, as unreliable oral traditions. What is needed, as I stated previously, is an osteological record, one single preternaturally lengthy human femur, to prove the existence of giants in the past.

In 19th century America, the claims of giant bones became part and parcel with baseless claims about the ancient builders of the impressive tumuli, or earthen mounds, that are found across the U.S., throughout the Great Lakes region and the Mississippi River Valley. These burial places fired the imaginations of white farmers and antiquarians alike, who propagated the racist myth that the builders of these mighty structures could not have been related to the Native American peoples they knew, so there must have been some lost race that had inhabited the New World before European settlement. This lost race of mound-builders, unsurprisingly, was said by many to be a lost white race, and in the 1800s to be a lost white race of giants, whose enormous bones were said to be found within these mounds by many a farmer and antiquarian turned grave despoiler. So what of these giant bones? Where are these bones, that we may measure them and determine whether they may indeed belong to mastodon rather than man? Funny story. These bones were often said, rather conveniently, to have self-destructed shortly after discovery. One Harvey Nettleton, writing on the history of Conneaut Township in northwestern Ohio, claimed in 1841 that around 1800 a man named Aaron Wright had been digging up graves in the area, and the bones he discovered not only were gigantic but also “on exposure to the air soon crumbled to dust.” In fact, 20 years prior to Nettleton’s account of Wright’s discovery, an antiquarian named Caleb Atwater, a major proponent of that lost Mound Builder race myth, had actually published a report of his findings in burial mounds near Conneaut, which specifically stated that he had “found skeletons of people of small stature,” but despite that, Nettleton’s larger than life account proved more popular and long-lived. Specifically one image seems to have struck a chord, that a skull Wright had discovered was so large he had been able to place it over his own head like a helmet. Nettleton’s story about Wright was widely reprinted, and reproduced and summarized by various historians, until elements of it became a kind of meme. We see in further stories produced by other antiquarians and recorded by different historians the same claims about massive skulls fitting over the heads of those who find them, and of other giant bones that are witnessed upon excavation but, alas, cannot be examined by experts because they had disintegrated as soon as they had entered local folklore. It may be impossible to tell if elements of this tale were invented out of whole cloth by Harvey Nettleton forty years after the fact, just to spice up his sketch, or if they were told by Aaron Wright and passed into legend and local oral tradition. A simple genealogical search turns up a real Aaron Wright born in 1775 who lived in Ashtabula County, Ohio, and was buried at Conneaut Township. This was likely the same Aaron Wright who gave evidence against the authenticity of Joseph Smith’s Book of Mormon in an affidavit collected by Dr. Philastus Hurlbut around 1833. It may be that this little-known individual, who contributed somewhat to the skeptical view of early Mormon claims, also made a hoax claim that has long outlived him and added greatly to the legacy of this false notion.

Diagram of mound excavations at Conneaut.

The same holds true for other supposedly large bones said to have been recovered from burial mounds throughout the 19th-century. It proves difficult to ascertain whether they were hoaxes or mistaken identifications of mastodon bones or perhaps a combination of the two. One antiquarian, T. Apoleon Cheney, who was known as Doc even though he had not earned the honorific through formal education, claimed to have discovered more than one giant skeleton in a Western New York mound that he excavated with a partner, a bona fide medical doctor, Frederick Larkin. As one of my principal sources, Brad Lockwood’s On Giants, clarifies, Cheney’s most widely cited work, Illustrations of the Ancient Monuments in Western New York, 1859, is actually widely misquoted, since this work really only contains illustrations and no text. However, it is clear, from later editions of his work and from the passages in other works that summarize his supposed findings, that Cheney did indeed claim he had found giant skeletons in a mound, that in fact he staked his reputation and founded a career on the claim. At a mound on Cassadaga Creek, near the town of Conewango, he claims that he “discovered nine human skeletons, which had been buried in a sitting posture…The skeletons were so far decayed as to crumble upon exposure to the atmosphere, but were all of very large size.” Here again, the meme of the self-destructing evidence is reproduced, but Cheney claims that one femur remained, whose measurement of 28 inches proved the stature of the man to whom it belonged. That’s about ten inches longer than the average adult male’s femur, and if such a bone were genuine, and determined by a paleontologist to belong to a human being, it would indeed constitute evidence that it was the remains of a tall person. You’ll find some online claiming that a femur is about a quarter of one’s height, so a 28-inch femur would make for a height of over nine feet. However, from what I have been able to determine, forensic anthropology tells us such a calculation is too simple, and to calculate the likely height of a male by the length of a femur, converted to centimeters, one must instead multiply by 2.32 and then add 65.53, which in the case of the 28-inch femur gives us a likely height of seven and a half feet. Unusually tall indeed, but no monster. The further problem, though, is that this 28-inch femur was never preserved for analysis, and more than that, after Doc Cheney’s death, his excavating partner, Frederick Larkin, the only medical professional on the scene to examine these supposedly gigantic skeletons, ended up writing his own book, Ancient Man in America, in which he revealed Doc Cheney’s claims to have been exaggerated. As Brad Lockwood reveals, having tracked down a copy of this rare text, Larkin writes, referring to Cheney’s claims about the giant skeletons at Cassadaga, “That the Mound-Builders were a trifle larger than the present type, is very probable; but that they were giants eight and ten feet is all fabulous. I have seen many skeletons from mounds in different states, but have seen none that will much exceed the present people now living. … The subject under consideration has enough of the marvelous about it to gratify almost any imagination without resorting to giants.”

As we have discussed more than once, in the 19th century, newspapers regularly ran stories of dubious origins that made improbable claims, hoping that sensational content would increase their circulation. For more on this, see my episode on the prolific newspaper hoaxer, Joseph Mulhatton, or my episode Unfit to Print: A History of Bad News. Anyone today who points to 19th-century newspaper reports about the discovery of giants as ironclad evidence of its truth should rightly be laughed at and mocked until they delete their accounts. Only rarely in the 19th-century might a newspaper follow up on such a report. For example, in 1883, after printing a report about the discovery of a nine foot skeleton in a gravel pit, the Indianapolis Journal afterward published the report of a local physician who investigated and refuted the claim, saying they were more like the remains of a five foot eight inch man, calling the incident “a giant fraud and an imposition on the credulity of the people.” The problem is, such follow-up reports were rare. 19th century newspapers in many states published story upon story of giant skeletons without ever bothering to follow them up with the reports of experts who had determined them to be frauds. It became so common that Mark Twain actually decided to pen his own hoax, getting a spurious tale of a petrified giant published in a Virginia City, Nevada, newspaper, with the telltale detail that the mummified giant had his thumb pressed to the side of his nose and his fingers spread, a well-known gesture showing contempt or derision, as if the giant were taunting the reader, saying “Na-na, na-na, boo-boo. Stick your head in doo-doo.” In this atmosphere of rampant giant hoaxes, it is no surprise that the greatest of them all, the Cardiff Giant hoax, about which I spoke in detail and which I dramatized in fiction in my recent patron exclusive episode, was so credulously received by the public. Mark Twain found this hoax, and especially the fact that P.T. Barnum created a fraudulent version of this fraud, quite hilarious, inspiring him to write a short story about the Cardiff giant’s ghost haunting the wrong remains. The fact that these widespread hoaxes about giant skeletons were publicized so avidly by newspapers but their debunking was not, and the fact that Doc Cheney’s claims about giant bones in burial mounds became so widely read while his more educated partner’s denial of those claims was mostly lost to history, is just clear evidence of the old saying, “A lie can travel halfway around the world while the truth is still lacing up its boots.” Ironically, that quotation is typically misattributed to Mark Twain, when really it is a common corruption of an older quote by Jonathan Swift.

Illustration of the Petrified Man from 1882 edition of Twain's Sketches, New and Old, depicting position of the supposed giant's hands.

So it seems fake news in newspapers then begets fake news on the Internet today. These tall tales about giants having been discovered in burial mounds in America may have taken a hiatus of several decades, but with the advent of the Internet, they have seen a resurgence. If you spend much time searching for giants online, you’ll find a bevy of paranormal and conspiracy blogs claiming that a race of red-haired, cannibalistic giants was spoken about in the lore of various Native American tribes. One story has it that the Paiutes trapped this race of red-haired giants in a cave, where they suffocated them with smoke. The evidence is the fact that a cave was discovered by guano miners in western Nevada, and there were indeed many artifacts and remains of the native tribe that had lived within, and the hair of some, having been preserved, looked reddish. The problem is, as Brian Dunning has pointed out in an episode of Skeptoid on the topic, none of the remains recovered were actually of an unusual size, nor did the artifacts appear made for the use of larger people, and the redness of their hair was just the loss of pigmentation in hair that was formerlydark. Moreover, the actual Paiute legends do not appear to include red hair or gigantism. As usual, though a genuine archaeological find is cited, the find did not actually support the claims made online. And other stories don’t even rely on real finds. For example, Steve Quayle, a self-proclaimed giantologist, promoted to his website’s readers a claim made on a random blog, perhaps as satire, that mummified giants had been discovered in Iowa by a farmer named Marvin Rainwater on his land near Kossuth Center. According to the story, Rainwater happened upon a stone tomb while digging, and inside he discovered the mummified remains of seven figures, each ten feet tall and with long red hair. The find was apparently even verified by archaeologists from Georg von Podebrad College in the nearby town of Zoar. What is even wilder is that this report was supposed to have been made recently, as it spoke about materials being held at the State Historical Society awaiting DNA testing. However, when someone actually contacted the Historical Society, they discovered not only that such a find had never been reported, but also that, Kossuth Center and Zoar are both ghost towns, and no college named after the 15th-centuiry Bohemian king Georg von Podebrad has ever existed. Moreover, the farmer that the story says discovered the tomb, Marvin Rainwater, appears to have been named after a country-western singer from the 1950s. The Internet abounds with blog posts that to this day repeat this story. If you’re lucky they may include a disclaimer that it may be a false story, urging readers to “please research it out and judge for yourself.”

Another strange fake news story regarding giants appeared in 2016. This one connects to the biblical story of a giant with extra toes and fingers from Gath, Goliath’s stomping ground, which I spoke about in Part One, and it also incorporated the popular red hair trope of these recent giant hoaxes. The story, which originated from a dubious interview with a supposed military contractor on the YouTube channel of a fringe conspiracist who produces a lot of content on the topic of giants. Already it doesn’t have a lot of credibility. The interview subject, called only Mr. K, described an encounter between an American Special Forces unit and a 13-foot-tall giant wielding a sword. The giant was described as having red hair, of course, and extra toes, a bonus, and also more than one set of teeth—a common detail from old 19th century giant skull discovery stories, which archaeologist Andy White has proven was actually just a common 19th century phrasing used to describe nice teeth, meaning a skull have two intact rows of teeth, top and bottom. Essentially, this hoax purposely incorporated elements from other hoaxes and from old fake news reports and from the bible in order to bolster its claims. Snopes reported a denial of the incident from the Department of Defense, but that isn’t going to do much to convince conspiracy nuts. Hoaxes like these are designed to be nearly impossible to disprove, since any denials are simply proof of the cover-up. Typically, fake giant news on the internet arrives in the form of an image of uncertain origin, shared and gone viral online, purporting to show a person crouched over some ridiculously massive skeleton or skull, with no actual information to fact-check and just the simple claim that the discovery of giants has been covered up. Snopes and National Geographic have debunked such images as manipulated photos and even tracked down the origin to a photoshop contest called “Archaeological Anomalies,” which challenged participants to fake strange pseudo-archaeological discoveries. Yet despite being revealed as fraudulent images, they continue to be spread along with the claim that the scientific community is hiding the discovery of these giants.

This is one manipulated image from the photoshop contest that has been passed off as real in conspiracist memes.

One extremely popular story is of gigantic skeletons with horns having been discovered in Sayre, Pennsylvania, and this one too is typically accompanied by a dubious image of a horned human skull. Even as recently as March this year, fake news memes circulated Facebook about this archaeological discovery in the 1880s, stating that besides the bony projections above the eyebrows of skulls recovered at the site, the skeletons themselves were of an unusual height, averaging 7 feet. The image concludes with the claim that “The bones were sent to the American Investigation Museum in Philadelphia, where they were stolen—never to be seen again.” In fact, there was no such institution as the American Investigating Museum, but there was indeed an excavation in Sayre, which took place in 1916 rather than the 1880s as the Facebook posts claim. Conducted by the so-called “Dean of American Archaeology,” Warren King Moorhead, as well as Pennsylvania historian George Donehoo and Alanson Skinner, archaeologist, ethnographer and curator of the Museum of the American Indian, or the American Indian Museum, which may be the origin of the false American Investigating Museum. This excavation was the culmination of an expedition to find the relics and remains of the Susquehannock tribe that Captain John Smith had long ago suggested were giants, so there may have already been some expectation that the remains uncovered might be those of giants. The New York Times and a variety of other newspapers reported on the find, specifically claiming that the remains of 68 men were found, averaging seven feet, “while many were much taller,” and with them were buried artifacts of unusual size to match their stature. The column further describes their notorious “protuberances of bone.” On first blush this would appear well-documented, but we have seen that we should not trust old newspaper articles and must look further for subsequent corrections. Indeed, only 2 weeks after the first news reports about gigantic, horned skeletons spread far and wide, the archaeologists themselves set the record straight in a lengthier feature article in the Times. In it, they make no mention of horned skulls, and state more specifically that they estimated the height of the skeletons at about six feet six inches, certainly tall enough to appear imposing to a European of average height making first contact with the tribe. In another newspaper column that has been uncovered, Alanson Skinner is quoted as setting the record straight on July 14th, 1916. He states that they had excavated 57 skeletons rather than 68, and that they appeared to be “perfectly normal individuals with the usual relics.” He further explains the origins of the horned skull as the result of a reporter misunderstanding or being misled about, or perhaps purposely misrepresenting, what was actually found: “a deposit of dear antlers,” laid over the bones, “hence, I suppose, the skull with horns on it!” In the Times feature article, they further describe other artifacts placed atop the bones: “Over the head of one of the skeletons was a bear’s jaw, indicating the bearskin headdress,” which the man had presumably worn in life. One wonders that this did not start a further rumor that this had been a fearsome race of men with two sets of jaws!

Beyond the claim about horns, which is rather unique among such stories, the claims of gigantism among the skeletons excavated at Sayre are pretty tame. A height of seven feet is not unheard of, though it may have been unusual for that to be the average among more than fifty people in a group. However, the archaeologists themselves corrected that to more like six and a half feet, which of course is even less difficult to believe. But it must be pointed out that determining the actual height of any of these persons in life would have been exceedingly difficult. As mentioned previously, modern forensic anthropologists have gotten it down to a science, able to determine the likely height of a man or woman based entirely on the length of a femur, but in the infancy of the science, skeletons were often measured as they lay, or if found in a sitting or curled position, manually laid out to be measured, a process that would not yield an accurate result. The reason for this is that once the flesh and cartilage of vertebrate remains have decomposed entirely, skeletons become more spread out and scattered than they would be when the bones are tightly attached with tendon and ligament and encased within the body’s musculature. This process is called disarticulation, and the effects of bone dispersion during disarticulation was not the subject of much scientific study until the 1970s. Indeed, the fact that skeletons dug out of burial mounds in the Americas were often reported to be unusually tall could be entirely explained by the fact that the farmers and antiquarians measuring them did not adequately understand the spreading of disarticulated bones. Even among the experts digging up the Susquehannock graves at Sayre, Pennsylvania, all were archaeologists and ethnographers, not anatomists or experts in fossilized remains, and therefore might not even be expected to know how best to measure the remains they disinterred. Moreover, their description of the graves they excavated seems to indicate that assembling a single skeleton would not have been a simple task. In the New York Times feature, they explain that “in some cases the bones had been buried long after death when the flesh had disappeared, and in these instances, the skull was usually deposited in the grave, and the long bones, fingers, and ribs heaped beside or over it. …in some of the graves a number of skeletons were found heaped together.” Just how they reassembled and measured remains deposited in such communal graves is a pressing question, as are the calculations they may have used if they reached their height estimations based on the measurements of long bones.

This image of the supposedly genuine horned skull that accompanies most online claims about giants skeletons in Sayre, Pennsylvania, can only be found online at Surnateum, the Museum of Supernatural History, which claims to have the object in its possession. It is easy to see here that it is NOT a giant skull.

So the horned giants of Sayre, Pennsylvania, appears to have been a fake news story from a bygone era recycled as a fake news Internet meme today that continues to convince Facebook aunties that preternatural skeletons have been discovered in Native American burial grounds. Further investigation into the image that always accompanies the post, of a seemingly human skull with horns and a kind of wreath around it, unsurprisingly reveals that it is not related to the Sayre, Pennsylvania, excavation at all. The paranormal podcast Astonishing Legends did some admirable investigation into this image in their series on giants, The Tall Ones, particularly in Part Two, and determined that the skull is supposedly held by an online Museum of Supernatural History called Surnateum, and they claim it is of normal human size but originated in France as a ceremonial object for cult worship of the Horned God of Wiccan belief. The fact that this website has more than one photo of the skull, the image typically spread with the Sayre excavation story and another with the skull sitting atop a basket—an image that I have been unable to find on any other website using reverse image searches—tends to support their claim that it is in their possession. However, as Astonishing Legends rightly pointed out, Surnateum appears to just be a website, with no physical location to visit and view exhibitions. Moreover, the Internet Archive shows their website has been active for about 10 years, since 2012, and searches of Google Books and the Ngram viewer turn up no publications mentioning the museum, which tends to cast doubt on their claim of having acquired the skull in 1952. However, using reverse image search and the Wayback Machine, I was able to track down the earliest surviving posting of this image, to an old StumbleUpon post in 2006 that mentions Surnateum and its claims that the skull came from France in the first half of the 20th century. However, on this post, which appears to be one of the first times the image was shared on the Internet as far as I can determine—the poster links to a mysticism messaging board page at Thothweb.com that is no longer working and is not archived in the Wayback Machine—the poster states that the skull’s whereabouts were at the time unknown, contradicting the museum’s current claim. All that remains would be for an expert in photo manipulation to examine the images for signs of falsification. But even without such analysis, I think it is fair to conclude that this artifact, if it even exists, is a fake. If the person or persons running Surnateum want the public to believe their claims that they possess this object, have examined it and have determined that “the horns are genuinely part of the skull,” they need to make the object available for scientific examination and public scrutiny. Regardless, even according to them, it is not the skull of a giant.

Believers in such giant hoaxes, though, fail to be convinced by the point that such bones do not appear to exist, for none are today exhibited publicly or have been surrendered for scientific examination. Instead of this logical evidence that such bones do not exist, conspiracists take it as evidence that the bones have been hidden away and covered up! We see some insinuation of this in the text on the viral horned skull image, and it was there all the way back in 2006 on the obscure StumpleUpon posting of the image I managed to find. The notion that the scientific community’s refusal to acknowledge the existence of giants was tantamount to a cover-up is not exactly new. Even during the Cardiff Giant hoax, critics of the statue passed off as a petrified giant were dismissed as obfuscators attempting to make the public doubt the truth of the Bible. But today, this conspiracy theory has gelled into a specific claim found on many websites and in numerous conspiracist books that the Smithsonian Institution is in particular responsible, taking giant bones and then purposely losing them so that they can never be examined again. These conspiracists even see NAGPRA, the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act, as part of the plot. This admirable law, passed in 1990, made it illegal to dig up burial mounds and required the return of items to culturally affiliated Native American tribes. Well-known scholar and skeptical writer Jason Colavito has written the most extensively on the absurdity of this claim and has even traced it to its recent origins. Having done the research, Colavito makes a strong case that no claims of a Smithsonian cover-up ever existed before fringe researcher David Childress began to make them in the 1990s. Childress is not much of a reliable researcher, as he is known for making a lot of baseless claims about lost civilizations, UFOs and sasquatch, many of which rely on conspiracy speculation. Childress seems to have started the idea of “Smithsoniangate” in 1993, in defense of his racist ideas about a lost white race of Mound Builders, and the entire idea, ludicrously, may have been inspired by the iconic scene in Raiders of the Lost Ark, cited by Childress as an analogy, in which the crate containing the Ark of the Covenant is hidden away in a massive warehouse. As Colavito points out, though, it is strange to think that these conspiracists believe the Smithsonian is some monolithic organization that controls the entire narrative of physical anthropology in the world. Such a conspiracy would need to be global, including every museum and research university on the planet. We know that such a conspiracy just defies simple logic. Furthermore, he points out that NAGPRA is only enforced on Federal land, so any extant giant skeletons out there on private or state land would not be subject to this supposed cover-up, yet we still find no big bones to support these claims. Lastly, though since the 1860s the Smithsonian has been on board with the Cuvier explanation of massive bones as belonging to extinct megafauna, it has been pointed out that, in the late 19th century the Smithsonian was still known to publish the work of antiquarians and archaeologists who claimed to have measured skeletons between 7 and 8 feet uncovered in mound explorations. Though these heights are not superhuman, and could still be explained by the spreading of disarticulated bones improperly measured, the reports seem to prove beyond doubt that back when such claims were commonly made, the Smithsonian was just as likely to amplify them as to silence them.

To conclude this series, perhaps it is time to take a wider and simpler view of the phenomenon, taking into account some relevant findings of modern science. If the claims about giants were accurate, it would mean that mankind has greatly reduced in size over the millennia of our existence. This is the concept of the degeneracy of humanity that lies behind all these tall tales. But modern science tells us that we are not shrinking over time, but rather growing. The average height of Europeans in the 17th and 18th centuries was in the mid-five-foot range, and today we creep closer to a six-foot average. There are many reasons for a growth or reduction in average height among populations, though, and it tends to be dependent upon local conditions, making any calculation of worldwide averages misleading. Think about the shorter Europeans arriving in America and encountering the taller Native Americans that they thought to be giants simply because the natives might have had a half a foot or a foot’s greater height. Scholars who study average height across the ages argue that the height we reach depends on health trends related to climate and the availability of food. Considering this, it may be no surprise that Europeans were of shorter stock than the Native Americans they encountered. Science tells us that childhood nutrition has a lot to do with eventual height. A welcoming climate and plenty of food signals to the hypothalamus that living conditions are optimal, and thus the body should grow as quickly as possible in order to develop sexually and procreate. This further explains why heights have continued to grow on average in modern times, as nutrition and medicine have improved. However, rather than a steady growth over time, studies show cycles of height fluctuation. In the Middle Ages, it appears mankind was taller, but then heights began to fall before rising again centuries later. Fossil records of archaic man and subspecies like Neanderthals tend to show that we started out shorter, around five foot, five foot two, not as towering monstrosities or as diminutive little gnomes. And all the data we’ve gathered shows that our fluctuations in height have remained within a certain range, between about 5 feet and six feet, where average height tends to plateau. Of course there are exceptions, outliers typically related to physical conditions like those I’ve already discussed, but all signs point to the existence of giants as nothing more than fantasies that have always loomed large in our collective imaginations.

*

Until next time, remember the words of not Mark Twain, but rather Jonathan Swift, who in full, wrote, “[a]s the vilest Writer has his Readers, so the greatest Liar has his Believers; and it often happens, that if a Lie be believ’d only for an Hour, it has done its Work, and there is no farther occasion for it. Falsehood flies, and the Truth comes limping after it; so that when Men come to be undeceiv’d, it is too late; the Jest is over, and the Tale has had its Effect…”

Further Reading

Colavito, Jason. “How David Childress Created the Myth of a Smithsonian Archaeological Conspiracy.” Jason Colavito, 31 Dec. 2013, www.jasoncolavito.com/blog/how-david-childress-created-the-myth-of-a-smithsonian-archaeological-conspiracy.

---. “Is the Smithsonian Conspiring to Suppress the Truth about Giants?” Jason Colavito, 28 July 2013, www.jasoncolavito.com/blog/is-the-smithsonian-conspiring-to-suppress-the-truth-about-giants.

Dunning, Brian. “The Red Haired Giants of Lovelock Cave.” Skeptoid, 26 Nov. 2013, skeptoid.com/episodes/4390.

Lockwood, Brad. On Giants: Mounds, Monsters, Myth & Man; or, why we want to be small. Dog Ear Works, 2011.

Hill, Andrew. “Disarticulation and Scattering of Mammal Skeletons.” Paleobiology, vol. 5, no. 3, 1979, pp. 261–74. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/2400259.

Leutwyler, Kristin. “American Plains Indians Had Health and Height.” Scientific American, 30 May 2001, www.scientificamerican.com/article/american-plains-indians-h/.

“A Lie Can Travel Halfway Around the World While the Truth Is Putting On Its Shoes.” Quote Investigator, 13 July 2014, quoteinvestigator.com/2014/07/13/truth/.

“Mummified Giants ‘Found’ in Kossuth County.” Iowa Historian: The Newsletter of the State Historical Society of Iowa, vol. 17, no. 2, Spring 2003, p. 4, www.yumpu.com/en/document/read/45917253/spring-2003-state-historical-society-of-iowa/5.

Palma, Bethania. “Did U.S. Special Forces Kill a Giant in Kandahar?” Snopes, 31 Aug. 2016, www.snopes.com/fact-check/u-s-special-forces-killed-a-giant-in-kandahar/.

“The Petrified Man.” The Museum of Hoaxes, hoaxes.org/archive/permalink/the_petrified_man.

White, Andy. “The Modern Mythology of Giants: ‘Double Rows of Teeth.’” Andy White Anthropology, 28 Nov. 2014, www.andywhiteanthropology.com/blog/the-modern-mythology-of-giants-double-rows-of-teeth.

“Why Are We Getting Taller as a Species?” Scientific American, 29 June 1998, www.scientificamerican.com/article/why-are-we-getting-taller/#.

No Bones About It! Part One: GIANTS in the "Old World"

In the wake of Charles Darwin’s On the Origin of Species, believers in the literal truth of scriptures struggled to reconcile the new scientific understanding of prehistory with the biblical story of two progenitors in paradise and a global flood wiping out all but a pair of specimens of each animal species. In the 1870s, one uneducated man named George Smith got a job at the British Museum mainly because he was always hanging around there and scrutinizing the shards of clay tablets they displayed from Mesopotamia. After studying the artifacts for a decade, he one day deciphered an account of a deluge destroying humanity, all except for one man and his family. Smith leapt out of his chair and tore articles of his clothing off in his excitement, for he believed, and would convince others to believe, that he had just discovered evidence confirming the truth of the biblical flood story. What he had actually discovered was the world’s oldest known poem, The Epic of Gilgamesh, and for the rest of his life he would track down further shards, completing the text. What we can determine from the fact that this poem contained a flood tale similar to that of Genesis, along with the fact that many other cultures have produced comparable legends, is a worthy topic, but not the one we investigate today. In seeking to hold up the translated Epic of Gilgamesh as a primary source document proving the truth of the Bible from a literalist view, George Smith also promoted another fantastical claim made in the scriptures, for the ancient poem he had discovered was about a giant who stood seventeen feet tall. Long had it been believed by biblical scholars that in ancient prehistory, there had been a race of giants who inhabited the Earth, or that humans used to be much larger but had been growing smaller and smaller through the millennia, a process they called the degeneracy of the human race. The Bible gives us stories of mighty giants, Og and Goliath, whom it traces to the races of giants, the Rephaim and the Anakim. But more than this, it tells us of the origin of giants in Genesis 6, when it reveals that bene elohim, or “sons of god,” believed to be angels, came to the daughters of men and had children with them. These children, identified by biblical scholars as the original giants, were called the Nephilim in the original text. So while some might believe that mankind was created as a race of giants and has grown gradually more diminutive, such as French savant Mathieu Henrion, who in The Degeneration of the Human Race calculated that Adam was 128 feet tall and Eve 118 feet tall, others see a race of giant springing from an unholy union between fallen angels and human women, a kind of hybrid species that must have been destroyed by the flood. But of course, a poem, like Gilgamesh, whose historical accuracy cannot be confirmed, can never serve as evidence of the existence of such giants, whether they be early humans or angelic hybrid beings. The only scientific evidence for their existence would be bones, an osteological record of their existence. Many are the reports and repeated claims that such bones did exist and were at one time seen and even displayed, recorded by such ancient chroniclers and natural philosophers as Herodotus, Strabo, Pliny the Elder, Flavius Josephus, Plutarch, Philostratus, and Augustine, but words are not bones and can prove nothing but that stories of giants have long existed. Early editions of the Encyclopedia Britannica reprinted a lecture delivered to the Academy of Science at Rouen in 1764 by one Claude-Nicolas Le Cat, a French science writer and surgeon, which lists dozens of enormous skeletons found throughout the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries. Therefore, to many in the 19th century, the Epic of Gilgamesh’s depiction of an enormous protagonist was not fantastical. In the science literature and in newspapers of the day, as well as in sermons shouted from the pulpit, they were told that the evidence of ancient giants was endless, that it had been definitively proven. So they believed, without ever having seen gigantic human bones for themselves. And why hadn’t they seen them? Because they were nowhere to be found. If there were so many reports of colossal skeletons proving the existence giants, where are they? As one of my favorite musical groups, They Might Be Giants, once sang, “They might be giants/ They might be fake/ They might by lies/ They might be big, big, fake, fake lies…”

As we undertake this massive study (sorry, I might be making a lot of giant puns), we must start with what seems to me the root of all giant mythology, the Nephilim of Genesis. For biblical literalists, everything comes back to proving this throwaway line accurate. As mentioned, the verse in question, Chapter 6 verse 4, seems to indicate that Nephilim were the product of a union between angels and human women, but that is not the only interpretation. The words bene elohim, translated as “sons of god” and interpreted to mean angels, have alternative interpretations. Second century rabbis held that this verse described nobility interbreeding with commoners, while Augustine, writing in the 5th century, argued that it referred to intermarriage between the godly sons of Seth and the women of the lineage of Cain. But what is really interesting is the word Nephilim, which is the word usually translated as “giants.” There is no consensus of what this word means, and some versions of the scriptures just use the word Nephilim and make no attempt to translate it. Some argue that Nephilim is actually a form of the verb naphal, or “to fall,” making Nephilim more accurately a plural noun designating these people as “the fallen ones.” So why was it ever translated as giants? The only hint in this verse is that it says the Nephilim were “mighty men” and “men of renown.” We must look elsewhere in the Bible, where the word Nephilim is also found, to discover a link between Nephilim and giants. In Numbers chapter 13, verse 33, in the story of the 12 spies sent from among the Israelites to surveil the inhabitants of Canaan, we are introduced to the Anakim, the sons of Anak, who it says were descended from the Nephilim. Never mind how descendants of the Nephilim survived the Flood God sent to destroy them, I guess. Here, again, some versions of the Bible translate Nephilim as giant, but it is the description of the Anakim in Canaan that gives us the first hint of great size, as some spies reported that, compared to the Anakim, the Israelites were “like grasshoppers.” OK, but if we are to take this literally, considering a grasshopper maybe an inch high, compared to maybe an average five foot height among the Israelites, that means the Anakim must have been at least 300 feet tall. And if we are not to take this literally, if as seems more likely it was a matter of hyperbole, then it opens up the possibility that the spies were not talking about physical stature at all, but rather an indication of how powerful their foes seemed, perhaps in their fortifications or armaments. It is noteworthy that not all of the dispatched spies appear to have remarked on the Anakim being giants, which it would seem must be the first thing observed if they had been 300 feet tall, and their buildings large enough to house men of such height. Therefore, perhaps saying they felt like grasshoppers compared to them was simply another way of saying they appeared impressive, or “mighty,” as the earlier verse described the Nephilim. However, if we look at the preceding verses, we actually do see them mention the inhabitants of their promised land being “great in stature,” but hilariously, it is explicitly stated that this is a “bad report.” Verses 31-32 state: “But the men who had gone up with him replied, ‘We cannot go up against the people, for they are stronger than we are!’ So they gave the Israelites a bad report about the land that they had spied out: ‘The land we explored devours its inhabitants, and all the people we saw there are great in stature.’” It is then that they raise the legend of the Nephilim. Read with this context, it almost appears that the spies simply felt they were outmatched by the Canaanites and therefore tried to dissuade the Israelites from attacking them by lying about them being giants. Even a biblical literalist can take this meaning from the text.

Return of the Spies, 1860 woodcut by Julius Schnorr von Karolsfeld depicting the return of the 12 spies to the Israelites with their report of giants in Canaan.

The story of the 12 spies raises another possible rational explanation for all biblical giants, a viable alternative to the notion that any of these peoples were actually physically gargantuan to any preternatural degree. Instead, perhaps all of them were just what you might call giants among men, or men of renown, as the first verse mentioning Nephilim calls them. Just as the Canaanites whom the Israelite spies claimed were Anakim descendants of the Nephilim may have just been imposing figures that struck fear into their heart, perhaps that was case for many another supposed giant. We see Nimrod depicted in later generations as a giant, when the book of Genesis only calls him a mighty warrior. Then there is Og, a king said to be descended from the Rephaim, another group said to be connected to Anakim and Nephilim and thus to have been giants. Og is said to be a giant because the Bible describes his bed as being very large, but of course, a king might be expected to have a very large bed. So is being remembered as a giant simply one of the perks of being rich and powerful, or renowned as a great warrior or leader? That certainly seems to be the case with the notorious and mysterious Gog of Magog, corrupted to become two figures, Gog and Magog, later associated with Mongol horde and, due to the growth of fearful legends, becoming giants and even beasts. And this myth was translated by Geoffrey of Monmouth into a legend of a giant in Albion named Gogmagog. Reputation breeds legend, which invariably ascribes superhuman qualities to figures. Scholars now believe that Gilgamesh was indeed a real king, who perhaps inspired the writing of poems in which he was depicted as physically larger than he actually was. We see the same thing happen more recently, in America, with our tall tales. Any U.S. citizen is probably familiar with the legend of Paul Bunyan. Many are the roadside attraction carvings of this gigantic lumberjack and his equally massive pet blue ox. Some researchers have suggested that the oral tradition that started this tall tale had its origins in a real lumberjack. One suspect is a French-Canadian lumberjack named Fabian Fournier, nicknamed “Saginaw Joe,” while another is a little know soldier who fought in a Canadian rebellion named Paul Bon Jean. These claims remain unverified, but it illustrates well the idea that, even in more modern times, the exploits of a real person might end up blowing that figure up to outsized proportions.

It is harder to make such interpretations work with stories that explicitly mention a figure’s measurements, however. We may dismiss vague statements about stature and contrasts to insects, and we might disregard Gilgamesh’s seventeen-foot height, recorded as it is in an epic poem, which we expect to be fictionalized. But what are we to make of the character of Goliath in 1 Samuel chapter 17, verse 4, the Philistine, champion of a city called Gath, said to be a descendant of the Rephaim and described quite precisely as having a height of “six cubits and a span.” In today’s common measurements, that would make Goliath almost nine feet 9 inches tall, or nearly three meters. There is no getting around this precise measurement. In fact, it is the only specific height recorded in all of the Bible. Well, not so fast. As I said before, words are not bones that can be so easily measured. So we must examine further. In modern times, an archaeological site known as Tell es-Safi has been revealed to be the Philistine city of Gath from which originated Goliath, as well as numerous other giants, if the scriptures are to be believed on this account. Professor of Archaeology and Near Eastern Studies Jeffrey Chadwick, who is involved in excavations at the site, argues that such measurements actually varied from place to place in the ancient world, and that at Gath, a cubit would have been around 54 centimeters, or 1.77 feet, and a span, sometimes thought of as half a cubit, was actually reckoned there as being about 22 centimeters, or 0.72 feet. So by his reckoning, if Goliath was 6 cubits and a span by Gath metrics, that would have made him over eleven feet tall. However, some earlier versions of this Bible verse, discovered among the Dead Sea Scrolls, have Goliath ringing in at only 4 cubits and a span, which would only be about 6 foot 9, or if Chadwick is correct, more like 7 foot 10. While the former is tall but not abnormal, by our standards today, the latter does seem pretty gigantic—but not unheard of. The tallest man on record, Robert Wadlow, measured nearly 9 feet in height! Still, Chadwick suggests that the 4 cubits and a span measurement may be suspect as well. He notes that the composer of 1 Samuel would not have had the chance to measure Goliath, so the measurement must have come from oral tradition. He further observes that a wall he has excavated in what was once Gath happens to measure exactly 4 cubits and a span wide, and he speculates that applying this exact measurement to Goliath may have been a way to indicate, metaphorically, how stout and impenetrable he was as their champion, likening him to their protective wall. That does little to explain the supposed great weight of Goliath’s armor, also mentioned in those verses, but it does make the exact measurements of the figure seem far less certain. And if you need further evidence that Gath was no city of giants, take the words of Professor Aren Maeir of the archaeology department of Bar-Ilan University, who was in charge of the Tell es-Safi dig site as he describes the excavation’s findings: “There are no skeletons of people who are taller than NBA centers.”

David and Goliath, a color lithograph by Osmar Schindler (c. 1888)

Another tale out of 2 Samuel, chapter 21, verse 20, tells us of yet another man from Gath of “stature,” said to have been descended from the Rephaim, and so typically translated as a “giant.” This figure lacks any specific height, but we are given the further interesting detail that he “had on every hand six fingers and on every foot six toes.” Interestingly, this story raises the idea of a giant as a kind of monster, or some sort of mutation with other differences from humans besides his great height. It leads one to think of the giants of Greek mythology, such as the Gigantes, described by Ovid as having a hundred arms and serpents for feet, or the Cyclopes with their single eyeballs. It leads one to wonder if there might be medical explanations for such tales. The giants of Greek myth may be more difficult to explain in this way, but Goliath and other biblical giants said to be from Gath might be explainable. For example, modern science and the annals of the Guinness Book of World Records tell us that, indeed, giants do exist, but not as the towering monstrosities of myth. Rather, they are unfortunate people who suffer from pituitary disorders that are passed hereditarily, causing conditions such as gigantism, or acromegaly when onset occurs during adulthood. These individuals suffer greatly from their conditions and do not tend to live to any advanced age. The tallest man on record, Robert Wadlow, who was eight foot eleven and over 400 pounds, passed away at 22 years old. As has been argued in at least one scholarly paper, the Bible’s mentioning of more than one supposed giant in Gath may suggest a family in the area whose member’s suffered from just such a familial pituitary disorder. The researchers further speculate that one member of said family may have had the genetic mutation polydactyly, the growth of extra fingers and toes. There are even known overgrowth syndromes, such as Simpson-Golabi-Behmel syndrome, which result in facial and skeletal abnormalities and polydactyly, causing one to wonder if some ancient giant stories might not be accurate records of individuals living with physical disorders that sadly made them appear monstrous to others. If this were the case, it would have been rare then, as it is now, explaining why their remains tend to be elusive.

While we would expect the remains of such medically afflicted persons to be rare, ancient reports of the discoveries of such gigantic remains actually seem quite common, as previously stated. Herodotus talks of the discovery of a “coffin seven cubits in length,” or about 10 and a half feet, and the report that the body inside was equal in length. Plutarch talks of the discovery of “a coffin of a man of extraordinary size,” thought to be Theseus. Phlegon of Tralles, in his On Marvels, shares a report credited to Apollonius about the discovery of “a sepulchre of one hundred cubits in length, in which there was a skeleton of the same dimensions,” and further tells the tale of some Carthaginians digging up “two skeletons placed in coffins, one of which was twenty-three, and the other twenty-four cubits in length,” or between 34 and 36 feet. Perhaps my point is already becoming clear. These reports describe the dimensions of coffins or tombs, only sometimes with further assertions that the remains within were of the same length, when of course, a thing cannot fit within a container of the same length. Never mind the fact that these reports are all secondhand or even further removed, none having been observed by the persons writing about them, and thus are no better than legends, even if there is truth to them, there is a simpler explanation. Sir Jean Chardin, a travelling French scholar of the Near East, was among the first to observe that ancient peoples were known to make tombs and sarcophagi much larger than the bodies they contained. For the same reason, mummified remains often gave the further impression of great size when the remains within were not unusually large. It seems to have been a way to give a strong impression of the dead. Some such reports throughout history mention actual massive bones, though. For example, in Crete alone, there are reports of earthquakes and floods opening chasms and revealing skeletons between 50 and 69 feet in length, if we can trust standard modern cubit conversion. The question remains: Where are these skeletons? Do we actually have a bone to pick, so to speak?

While the massive bones and giant skeletons reportedly discovered in ancient times have long since been lost to history, we have a simple explanation for them derived from the supposed bones of giants that have been displayed in more modern times. In the late 16th and early 17th centuries, near the castle Chaumont in France, a series of huge bones were unearthed and thereafter exhibited in various cities throughout the country. According to their exhibitor, they were the bones of a Teutonic barbarian king, and according to a Jesuit priest, Jacques Tissot, who helped publicize their existence, their size proved the claims of giants in scriptures. These bones are kept today at the French National Museum of Natural History. Certain gargantuan bones discovered in the Americas even convinced one of the fathers of paleontology, Franciscan naturalist José Torrubia, that the legends of antediluvian giants must be true, prompting his composition of the influential work:  La gigantologia Spagnola. In the American colonies of the 18th century, Puritan minister Cotton Mather, early adopter of smallpox inoculation practices and erstwhile instigator of witch hunts in New England, firmly believed that enormous bones unearthed in America definitively proved the existence of the Nephilim. In 1705, a discovery of huge fossilized molars and leg bones near Albany sent Mather into a tizzy, declaring to the world that proof of antediluvian giants had been discovered in the New World. There were already rumblings, however, from critics, that all these enormous bones, some of which were even being displayed in houses of worship, venerated as gifts from God to validate the beliefs of His faithful, were not actually giant human bones at all, but rather from large beasts. The skeleton of Teutobochus, the barbarian king exhibited throughout France, was exposed by a member of the Medical Faculty of Paris, Jean Riolan the Younger, as being the bones of something like an elephant, perhaps one of Hannibal’s, left behind during his campaigns in Gaul. Certainly, the anatomist Riolan could discern that its exhibitors had merely arranged the bones into a vaguely human form. And the famed naturalist Georges Cuvier was among the first to suggest that the large fossilized bones and teeth found in the Americas and promoted by Torrubia and Mather appeared to belong to the extinct mastodon. Think back to the many reports of dead sea serpents that I discussed in my series on the subject, and the so-called globsters that washed up on shores and were presumed to be sea monsters but were in fact whale carcasses or the remains of other known marine animals. As the science of paleontology has progressed, all such giant bones have been proven to be the remains of mastodons or other creatures. In fact, with the cartilage having decomposed away, the mammoth skull appears to have one large hole in the center, giving the impression of a single massive eyeball; thus it has been argued that mammoth bones were also the origin of the myth of Homer’s giant Cyclops.

An example of an elephant skull with a central nasal cavity that may have been mistaken for a single cyclopean eye.

Claims of the bones of giants being discovered continued throughout the 19th century, many of them said to have been dug out of Native American burial mounds in America, and I will discuss these in great detail in part two of this series. Let us conclude part one by examining the so-called Giant of Castelnau, which is really just a few bone fragments excavated from a Bronze Age cemetery near Montpellier, France, in 1890. The anthropologist who dug them up and afterward promoted them as evidence of a giant, was Georges Vacher de Lapouge. According to Lapouge, it was “unnecessary to note that these bones are undeniably human, despite their enormous size,” but it’s unclear how he determined that they were human and not, for example, those of a mammoth or some other creature. In the surviving sketch of the fragments, which is all we have to judge by, we see half a femur and a portion of what he claims is a tibia, but the length of neither could have been measured, broken as they are. For scale, they are sketched with a “normal” humerous recovered from the same site, which itself is fragmentary. It begs the question, why not depict them in comparison to intact bones of the same kind, his fragment of a femur next to a normal whole femur? It seems sketchy, if you’ll excuse the pun. Lapouge states, “The volumes of the bones were more than double the normal pieces to which they correspond,” which would tend to indicate they may not have been human, or at least not “undeniably” so. An anatomist from Montpellier reportedly examined them and called them “abnormal in dimension,” but perhaps they were only abnormal if one was insisting on seeing them as human. The same anatomist stated that they were “of morbid growth,” or “diseased.” Is this evidence that they were simply fragments of the skeleton of a person with some pituitary disorder or overgrowth syndrome that resulted in skeletal abnormalities? Another professor from University of Montpellier, according to The Popular Science News of Boston, August, 1890, determined the bones were “normal in every respect.” So what are we to believe? The bones were reportedly given over to the French Academy of Sciences, where they have since, apparently, disappeared. Perhaps this is because they were nothing more than unremarkable bone fragments that didn’t actually warrant much attention and thus were filed away and forgotten, but as we will see in part two of this series, such cases today tend to encourage baseless conspiracy theory.

Further Reading

Acocella, Joan. “How To Read 'Gilgamesh.’” The New Yorker, 7 Oct. 2019, www.newyorker.com/magazine/2019/10/14/how-to-read-gilgamesh.

Bressan, David. “Fire burn, and cauldron bubble… Bones of Giants.” Scientific American, 29 Oct. 2013, blogs.scientificamerican.com/history-of-geology/fire-burn-and-cauldron-bubble-bones-of-giants/.

Cole, J.R. “It Ain't Necessarily So: Giants and Biblical Literalism.” Creation/Evolution Journal, vol. 5, no. 1, Winter 1985, pp. 49-53. National Center for Science Education, ncse.ngo/it-aint-necessarily-so-giants-and-biblical-literalism.

Dahlbom, Taika Helola. “A mammoth history: the extraordinary journey of two thighbones.” Endeavor, vol. 31, no. 3, Sep. 2007, pp. 110-114. ScienceDirect, www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0160932707000610?via%3Dihub.

Donnelly, Deirdre E., and Patrick J. Morrison. “Hereditary Gigantism-the biblical giant Goliath and his brothers.” The Ulster Medical Journal, vol. 83, no. 2, May 2014, pp. 86-88. National Library of Medicine, www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4113151/.

“Fragments on Giants.” Jason Colavito. www.jasoncolavito.com/fragments-on-giants.html.

Jarus, Owen. “Biblical Goliath may not have been a giant.” LiveScience, 1 Dec. 2020, www.livescience.com/was-biblical-goliath-a-giant.html.

Lockwood, Brad. On Giants: Mounds, Monsters, Myth & Man; or, why we want to be small. Dog Ear Works, 2011.

“New Excavation Reveal Goliath’s Birthplace Was More Giant than Believed.” Israel Faxx, vol. 27, no. 149W, July 2019, p. 11. EBSCOhost, search-ebscohost-com.ezproxy.deltacollege.edu/login.aspx?direct=true&db=n5h&AN=137768865&site=ehost-live&scope=site.

“New World Giants: The Study of American Fossils by ‘One of the Founders of Paleontology.’” Martayan Lan, www.martayanlan.com/pages/books/B5726/jose-torrubia/la-gigantologia-spagnola.

“A Pre-Historic Giant.” Popular Science News, vol. 24, Aug. 1890, www.google.com/books/edition/Popular_Science_News/vmHnAAAAMAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=Giant+of+Castelnau&pg=PA113&printsec=frontcover.

“A Race of Giants in Old Gaul.” The New York Times, 3 Oct. 1892, timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1892/10/03/106086633.pdf.

White, Andy. “Cotton Mather: America's First Nephilim Enthusiast.” Andy White Anthropology, 26 Feb. 2015, www.andywhiteanthropology.com/blog/cotton-mather-americas-first-nephilim-enthusiast.