The Lincoln Legends - Part Two: A Conspiracy, Simple or Grand
Unlike some other famous presidential assassinations, there is generally no doubt of the identity of Abraham Lincoln’s assassin. He was seen by an entire theater full of witnesses in his leap to the stage, and he was a very famous actor from a family full of famous actors. Both his father and his brothers were famed tragedians, travelling stage actors who performed Shakespeare, and Booth was famous enough to be recognizable. His motivation for the murder of Lincoln is also apparent and typically unquestioned. While others in his family, such as his brother Edwin, supported the Union cause and refused to perform in the South, John was vocal in his opposition to the abolitionist cause and his support of the Confederacy. He felt so strongly about it, in fact, that he became more and more active in political agitation. When he heard that the notorious abolitionist John Brown was being executed, he donned a militia uniform and snuck in to watch him hang and to help repel any potential rescue attempt. After the abolitionist Lincoln’s election to the presidency, which was viewed as a provocation by many southerners as well as northern supporters of the southern cause, called Copperheads, he wrote a long speech defending the institution of slavery, though he never found a good occasion for delivering it. In 1861, when Southern states seceded from the Union, John Wilkes Booth was putting on a stage production in Albany, New York, and his public remarks about the heroism of Confederates drew the ire of locals, who called his statements “treasonable” and suggested he ought to be banned from the stage for them. So much for “canceling” being a new phenomenon. Free speech has always been accompanied by the risk of blowback when you make asinine or repugnant public statements. Booth had apparently promised his mother that he would not enlist as a soldier, but more and more he felt that he had to take some definite and critical action in support of the Confederate cause—which was very clearly just the cause of slavery and white supremacy, that being what Booth wanted so desperately to fight for. He wrote to his mother, “I have begun to deem myself a coward and to despise my own existence,” and when, in 1864, the Confederacy was fighting a losing war and Lincoln’s re-election seemed a foregone conclusion, he finally decided to take action. At first, he plotted to abduct the President from his cottage at Soldier’s Home to put him into the hands of Confederate generals, who Booth imagined could then hold him hostage to force the North to recognize Confederate statehood and sovereignty and bring the war to an end. He began stalking Lincoln, attending his second inauguration and lying in wait for him near Soldier’s Home, on the stretch of road where someone had once taken a shot at the President. He never had good opportunity to kidnap Lincoln, as he had planned, but after standing on the White House lawn and listening to the President talk about granting voting rights to emancipated Black citizens and the very next day hearing about the surrender at Appomattox, he finally resolved to murder Lincoln. Recounting these facts about John Wilkes Booth’s path to becoming an assassin like this makes him sound like he very well could have been a lone gunman. That, however, is certainly not the case. Though all anyone saw in Ford’s Theatre was Booth firing his weapon at Lincoln, leaping to the stage, and limping away, the truth is that he was a part of a larger conspiracy. When he concocted his plan to kidnap Lincoln, he enlisted the help of two like-minded friends, Michael O’Laughlen and Samuel Arnold, and they met and discussed the plot with a growing network of Confederate sympathizers. When the kidnapping plot never came off and his initial accomplices lost confidence in the undertaking, others took their place. One, David Herold, a pharmacist’s assistant in Maryland, was with Booth in Washington when he resolved to kill Lincoln, was there when Booth rode his horse back into Maryland after the deed was done, accompanied Booth on his two-week flight from authorities, and was with him in the Virginia tobacco barn where troops finally caught up to the assassin. Herold surrendered, but Booth did not and was shot in the neck. We know the extent of the conspiracy to kill Lincoln because, except for Booth, those involved were arrested and witnesses testified to their activities before a military tribunal. But immediately after Lincoln’s assassination, and throughout the prosecution of these conspirators, and during all the 16 decades that have passed since his death, many have wondered whether there may have been others involved, just how big the conspiracy might have been, and who might have gotten away without justice being served. As is often the case in my examination and refutation of conspiracy theories, it’s not about whether or not people conspire. Obviously they do. Rather, it’s about how feasible a massive conspiracy might be.
I have more than once had conspiracy-minded listeners and even friends of mine challenge me on my view of conspiracist thought. Typically their most emphasized rebuttal is that conspiracies do happen, and yes, of course they do. No conspiracy skeptic would reasonably claim that no one has ever conspired before. I have had a friend point to the Gulf of Tonkin incident, in which the NSA provided distorted intelligence reports to fabricate an attack that did not occur in order to influence policymakers. It was an incident in the lead-up to the Vietnam War very similar to the false claims of WMDs that served as a pretext for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Surely more than one NSA official was party to the skewing of intelligence about the Gulf of Tonkin incident, and though we might view this more as disinformation or propaganda, or just the everyday business of the intelligence community, I can see this as a clear example of a real conspiracy. The thing is, it was not a massive conspiracy involving untold numbers of people. The press who repeated the false information and the policymakers who acted on it were not clearly in on it. And eventually it was exposed with clear and definite proof. Within only a couple years, whistleblowers came forward suggesting the attack did not occur and false information had been provided to Congress. Within forty years, investigative journalists had cast enough doubt on the incident that the NSA finally declassified a report that revealed once and for all what they’d done. So to my mind, incidents like these just provide further evidence that only small scale conspiracies are feasibly realistic, because there will always be a whistleblower, and real conspiracies of any scale are inevitably exposed. And that is certainly the case, it seems, with the conspiracy to murder Abraham Lincoln. In the weeks following Lincoln’s murder, the conspiracy to kill him was exposed through urgent investigation, and it was revealed to be a small-scale conspiracy of disaffected Northern Copperheads, some of whom were acting as Confederate agents. Other than the pharmacist’s assistant, David Herold, there was a Prussian carriage repairman, George Atzerodt, and a deserter from the Confederate infantry, Lewis Powell, who had fallen in with some Confederate spies in the North. One such Confederate, John Surrat, had come into John Wilkes Booth’s orbit while he was making the rounds among Confederate sympathizers in the North, talking about kidnapping the president. After Booth had convinced his original accomplices, Arnold and O’Laughlen, to lie in wait for Lincoln on the road to Soldier’s Home and their quarry never appeared, those conspirators lost interest in the plot, but Booth remained determined. The Confederate spy John Surrat then introduced Booth to the others, to Herold, Powell, and Atzerodt. They became his new co-conspirators, and they met in the boarding house run by John Surrat’s mother, Mary Surrat. This was when Booth’s plan transformed from kidnapping Lincoln and delivering him to the South into an assassination plot. Nor was killing Lincoln their sole objective. They intended to strike a decisive blow against the Union by murdering not only Lincoln, but also those who might replace him, to cut the head off the federal government by assassinating the top three officials in its Executive Branch.
A depiction of the attempt on the life of William Seward, Secretary of State.
On the same day that Booth killed Lincoln, George Atzerodt was tasked with murdering the Vice President, Andrew Johnson, and both David Herold and Lewis Powell set out to kill Secretary of State William Seward. If the intention was to eliminate the next two men in the presidential line of succession, an error had been made, for at the time, third in line was not the Secretary of State, but rather the head of the Senate, which would have meant that a little-known Connecticut senator named Lafayette Foster would have been installed as acting president if both the President and Vice-President had been killed. It may be that Booth and his co-conspirators believed Seward would eventually have been appointed the new president by special election, or it might very well be that they didn’t know that much about government or hadn’t given it that much thought, just wanting to take out Lincoln and his two chiefest lieutenants. As it turned out, however, no attempt would even be made on Vice-President Johnson’s life. George Atzerodt, the Prussian repairman assigned to do the deed, rented a room above Johnson’s at the Kirkwood House hotel. In his room were a loaded pistol and a bowie knife. He went down to the bar to gather his courage with a few drinks, but in the end, he just left the hotel without trying anything. In contrast, David Herold and Lewis Powell did not shrink from their grisly task. They rode to William Seward’s home, where the Secretary of State was in bed recovering from a carriage accident nine days earlier. Herold stayed outside to hold the horses, while Powell, wearing a false mustache, went to the door and claimed to be carrying medicine that he had to deliver in person. Inside, on the stairs, he was stopped by the secretary’s son, and he pulled his pistol. When it misfired, Powell simply clubbed him with it and ran into the secretary’s room. Pushing Seward’s daughter aside, he leapt on the bed and stabbed the secretary five times with a bowie knife in the face and neck. A guard in the room threw Powell off the bed, and a struggle ensued, Powell holding the guard and another of the secretary’s sons at bay with his knife and eventually fleeing the house. At first, it appeared that Seward was dead, but then he became responsive. A jaw splint he wore because of his injuries in the carriage accident seemed to have deflected some of Powell’s strikes with the knife, saving the secretary’s life. Outside, Powell found that Herold had fled when he’d heard screams inside the house, leaving Powell’s horse behind. Powell, however, did not know his way around Washington. What happened to Powell over the next few days is somewhat uncertain. Some sources have it that his horse gave out on him, or that it threw him, and that he hid in a cemetery for days. He abandoned his overcoat, the false mustache in its pocket, because it was bloody and might help identify him, and he had lost his hat back at the scene of the crime, so he looked very suspicious, hatless in his shirtsleeves. He tore a sleeve from his undershirt to wear as a makeshift stocking cap and stole a pickaxe from a farm to disguise himself as a menial laborer. Eventually, on April 17th, days after the attacks on Lincoln and Seward, he made his way to Mary Surratt’s boarding house, only to find federal soldiers there, taking Mary into custody. Powell tried to claim he was an innocent laborer, but they arrested him as well.
What led the federal troops to Surratt’s boarding house? The fact is that police had taken an interest in Surratt and her boarding house within only a few hours of the attacks, though we don’t know for certain why that is. We know that it took them almost no time at all to identify John Wilkes Booth. The owner of Ford’s Theatre knew the famous actor well, as did the theater’s propmaster, and one stagehand, and even the actor who’d been on stage when Booth leapt down from the Presidential box. It is entirely possible that authorities already had some idea that the Surratt house was a meeting place for Confederate sympathizers, since one of the lodgers there, Louis Weichmann, a longtime friend of Mary’s son John Surratt, was a clerk for the War Department and would go on to testify as to the goings on within the house. But even if Weichmann had not already tipped off authorities about the house, the fact is that investigators seem to have linked Booth to John Surratt within an hour of the assassination. Apparently, Surratt had a police file, in which Booth was listed as a known associate. This would explain why it was police and not federal agents who showed up to question Mary Surratt the night of the assassination, asking where her son and John Wilkes Booth might be. She lied to police, saying John Surratt had been out of the country for weeks. Two days later, having received further witness reports from neighbors and other lodgers at the house, it was federal soldiers who returned there to arrest Mary and whoever else might know something, including Powell, who chose the worst imaginable moment to return. Within a few more days, George Atzerodt, who had been hiding at his cousin’s house, was also apprehended. Then on April 26th, after 12 days on the run, Herold surrendered at the farm in Virginia where Booth was killed. Only John Surratt would escape capture at the time, fleeing to Canada and thereafter hiding in England and Italy until finally, on his way to hide in Egypt, he was caught. But unlike his other co-conspirators, John Surratt would receive a more traditional criminal court trial. His mother Mary, as well as Herold, Powell, Atzerodt, Booth’s early conspirators O’Laughlen and Arnold, a doctor named Samuel Mudd who had introduced Booth to John Surratt and a Ford’s Theatre stagehand named Edmund Spangler who had agreed to hold Booth’s horse during the assassination, were all tried by military tribunal. The reason for such a tribunal was that martial law was in effect in Washington, and the assassination had very early on been viewed as an act of war perpetrated by enemy combatants within the context of the Civil War. This decision was extremely controversial, and remains so. This is especially relevant today, since President Trump has more than once indicated that he wants to use military tribunals to try U.S. citizens, even calling for “televised military tribunals” to prosecute his political opponents, and one of his abominable Supreme Court appointments, Brett Kavanaugh, is known to have defended the lawfulness of military tribunals in Guantanamo Bay by citing the precedent of the Lincoln assassination trial’s military commission. There was no trial by jury for these defendants. Only a simple majority of the tribunal was needed to deliver a guilty verdict, and only two thirds for a death sentence. Every single defendant was convicted. Powell, Herold, Atzerodt, and Mary Surratt were all sentenced to hang for their parts in the conspiracy, despite the fact that only Powell had taken part in an attack. Certainly the rest of them were complicit in the conspiracy, the massive amount of witness testimony proved as much, but Atzerodt had actually had a change of heart, or at least a failure of courage. Perhaps most controversial was the hanging of Mary Surratt, who was the first woman ever executed in America. The evidence against her was circumstantial, mostly about her having been present when the conspirators were in her house and having engaged in private conversation with them. One witness claimed she had procured weapons for the conspirators, but the credibility of every witness was impugned by others. Powell wrote a statement claiming Mary was innocent, while Atzerodt implicated her as a major conspirator. In the end, calls for clemency were ignored and she was executed. Her son John, on the other hand, could not be tried by military tribunal because such a trial was declared unconstitutional the following year. He received a criminal trial by the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia, what is today the district court. Only a charge of murder could still be pursued because of the statute of limitations, and he denied involvement in the assassination plot. After two months and the endlessly conflicting testimony of 170 witnesses, Surratt could not be definitely placed in Washington during the assassination or proven beyond any doubt in the minds of all the jurors to have been a party to the plot. Eight jurors found him guilty, but four did not. Had it been a military tribunal, this would have been sufficient to issue his death warrant, but as it was a criminal trial, it concluded in a hung jury.
A depiction of the military trial of the conspirators.
In my recent patron exclusive, about the claims relating to Lincoln’s love life, I mentioned that the widowed Mary Todd, in her grief, came to believe Vice President Andrew Johnson, who had then become President Johnson, was behind the assassination in some way. Johnson was a Southerner, from Tennessee, and not a member of Lincoln’s party. He can hardly be said to have been a Confederate sympathizer, though. When Southern states seceded from the Union, their representatives resigned from Congress, but when Tennessee seceded, Johnson remained, and he was appointed the Military Governor of the state once Union forces reclaimed it. Lincoln chose him as Vice President in his 1864 campaign in order to appeal to Southerners and send a message of unity ahead of the impending restoration of seceded states to the Union. Indeed, Johnson wanted Confederate states to be restored swiftly, and he wanted to see most ex-rebels pardoned. These sentiments were shared by Lincoln, whose reconstruction plans included amnesty. So it was not so much Johnson’s politics that convinced Mary Todd Lincoln he was behind the assassination. Rather, it was a perceived personal slight and a baseless conspiracy theory that was then circulating. In a letter to a friend, Mary Todd complained that “No one ever heard of Johnson, regretting, my sainted husband's death, he never wrote me a line of condolence and behaved in the most brutal way.” So it seems she felt he was not supportive enough or effusive enough in his sympathies. But add to this the fact that a pamphlet, which she mentions in the same letter, was then being circulated, making claims about Johnson’s involvement in the conspiracy. The two main pieces of evidence Mary mentions in her letter, both of which seem likely suggested by the contents of the pamphlet she’d read, are that someone close to President Johnson had committed suicide, and that John Wilkes Booth had left Johnson a calling card on the day of the assassination. Both of these are true, but neither are very suspicious. Preston King, who had helped Johnson win the nomination, had committed suicide, jumping off a ferryboat into the New York Harbor with a sack full of bullets tied round his neck. There is no evidence whatsoever that it was related in any way to the assassination plot, and indeed, those who knew him were unsurprised, as he had struggled with mental health in the past. As one who knew him wrote, “In conversation with friends, after the annoyances of the day were over, he would get tranquilized and see that his troubles were imaginary rather than real; that his nervous system had given way, and that repose and proper treatment would restore him. But all this would be upset by the next day’s experience.” This sounds like textbook depression or the mood swings of someone struggling with bipolar disorder. But Mary dismissed this, claiming with no proof that, “having knowledge of this transaction,” meaning Johnson’s supposed involvement in the plot, Preston King, “naturally good hearted —he could not live. Talk of insanity, it was not so.” It is somewhat ironic that she so insistently dismissed King’s potential mental health issues in favor of a paranoid conspiracy theory since Mary Todd herself would eventually be institutionalized after attempting suicide.
The other piece of “evidence” that Mary refers to in her letter was John Wilkes Booth’s calling card, left for Andrew Johnson at Kirkwood House on the day of Lincoln’s assassination. “Why as that card of Booth's found in his box. Some acquaintance certainly existed. I have been deeply impressed with the harrowing thought, that he, had an understanding, with the conspirators and they, knew their man.” This card, like King’s suicide, was also real, and also was not that hard to explain. Booth himself went to the Kirkwood House hotel hours before murdering Lincoln, apparently to check up on Atzerodt. Not finding Atzerodt at the hotel and realizing that he had abandoned his task, Booth left the calling card for Johnson, which said simply, “Don’t wish to disturb you Are you at home? J. Wilkes Booth.” Historians differ on what Booth’s intentions were in leaving the card. Some suggest he may have been hoping to lure Johnson out in order to do the deed himself, while others suggest he was intentionally hoping to falsely implicate the Vice-President. Certain writers bent on suggesting Johnson did know Booth have pointed to a statement made by Johnson’s private secretary about having met Booth the year before the assassination at a theater in Nashville, Tennessee, to suggest the Vice-President had met him too. Sometimes they’ll even repeat unconfirmed rumors about Johnson and Booth having taken a pair of sisters as mistresses in Nashville, though these rumors only appeared during Johnson’s impeachment in dubious press attacks on him. The fact is that anyone could have left a calling card for the Vice-President at the hotel, where it was well known he lived, and Booth’s leaving the card does not prove an acquaintance, as Mary suspected. He may have just been trying to ascertain whether the plot could still be carried through. In leaving his name with no introduction, he may have presumed the Vice-President would know him by name due to his fame as a stage actor. He certainly does not seem to have been much concerned about hiding his identity as the assassin. He wore no disguise when he committed the murder, and the way he addressed the audience when he jumped on stage indicates he wanted to be known as the killer. Indeed, he seems to have believed he would be lauded as a hero. “Our country owed all her troubles to him,” he wrote in his final diary entry, “and God simply made me the instrument of his punishment. I struck for my country and that alone. A country that groaned beneath this tyranny, and prayed for this end, and yet now behold the cold hands they extend to me.” With no intention of hiding his identity, the calling card he left for Johnson may very well have been a purposeful gesture. Maybe he wanted the Vice President to afterward know that he had been close to killing him as well. Most historians are convinced that Johnson was a target of the conspiracy himself, but if we believe George Atzerodt, who claimed the weapons in his room at Kirkwood were Herold’s, not his, that he knew nothing of a murder plot and that he was only at the hotel “to try and get papers to Richmond from Mr. Johnson,” that still does not prove any prior connection between the Vice President and the conspirators. To be sure, Atzerodt was probably trying to save his own skin with this story, and the plot itself doesn’t really make sense if he is to be believed (why kill Seward and not the VP?), but even if we were to accept this version of events, there remains no evidence of Johnson’s collusion in the plot.
Booth’s calling card left at Kirkwood House for Andrew Johnson.
Nevertheless, Mary Todd seemed to be reaching for reasons to suspect Andrew Johnson’s involvement. For example, she wrote “Why is not Davis brought to trial?” concluding, “As sure as you and I live, Johnson, had some hand, In all this.” Here she is suggesting that not prosecuting Jefferson Davis, the former president of the Confederacy, for her husband’s murder meant Andrew Johnson was in on it, but Johnson can hardly be claimed to have gone easy on the South. He was dogged and merciless in his prosecution of the conspirators, denying clemency even to Mary Surratt. While some remember him today as a Southerner who was lenient toward rebels, in truth he was known for wanting to punish traitors, whether because he felt they deserved it or because Confederates considered him a traitor. “[T]reason is nothing but treason,” he once wrote, and while he did indeed want clemency for rank and file rebels, the everyday citizens of the South, as he said himself, “I want the leaders of the rebellion punished, and just penalties meted out to their treason. Treason must be made odious and traitors must be punished and impoverished.” In fact, according to one anonymous source, the night Lincoln was killed, he was heard pacing the floor and saying “they shall suffer for this” over and over. He is remembered today for leniency mostly because, when he rose to the presidency, he adopted Lincoln’s more lenient positions, which, along with his inability to compromise and his continual efforts to block protections for former slaves, actually led to his being impeached—the first president ever to be impeached. There are plenty of reasons to dislike Andrew Johnson, foremost of which being his inherent racism and consistent opposition to the establishment of equal rights before the law, but claims that he was secretly a Confederate or was protecting Confederates are just not accurate. The fact is that only ten days after the assassination, before Booth was ever even caught, Andrew Johnson signed a proclamation that asserted Jefferson Davis and other prominent Confederates had “incited, concerted and procured” the “atrocious murder” of Abraham Lincoln. And in the course of the military commission to try the assassination conspirators, he hoped that prosecutors might establish some connection between Davis and the plot, which never really happened. Davis was imprisoned and indicted for treason, but public opinion had turned against the trial of civilians by military tribunals. This meant that Davis would receive a jury trial, would not be tried for murder, and had a strong chance of convincing a jury that Southern secession had not been illegal. In the end, Johnson felt he had no choice but to release the Confederate president after only two years’ imprisonment. This only turned the Radical Republicans and others further against him, and in the year before his impeachment, an Assassination Committee was even formed to discern whether Johnson had been involved in the plot. They found nothing. Despite what Mary Todd and the Radicals thought, if Johnson had had his druthers, Davis would have swung.
This speculation about Davis’s culpability in Lincoln’s death reveals another major conspiracy theory that appeared almost instantly when Lincoln was murdered. It was widely assumed that Confederate leaders had sponsored Lincoln’s assassination. Essentially this is the notion that the murder was a grand Confederate conspiracy, rather than a simple conspiracy among Confederate sympathizers. It is entirely understandable why this would be the public’s first thought in the midst of a war, when the rebels were finally defeated and saw no clear path to victory. One Union soldier described reaction to the news by saying, “We all became angry and hated the South worse than ever. Thought all the leaders should be condemned to death.” Much as today, when violence erupts and dominant political rhetoric is blamed, so too, in 1865, many newspapers blamed “the rebel press in the North and South,” suggesting “[t]hat press has, in the most devilish manner, urged men to the commission of this very deed.” When it was learned, very early on, that John Surratt was involved with John Wilkes Booth, the connection to the Confederacy seemed proven. Surratt was a Confederate agent in the North. Surely he had influenced Booth or even given him the idea. Certainly he had provided material help. However, as the weight of all subsequent testimony demonstrated, Surratt was little more than a courier, and he was no mastermind. The kidnapping plot had been Booth’s plan, and the murder plot, by all accounts, was a sudden and impromptu plan resolved upon again by Booth. As the conspiracy came into focus, during its exposure, Surratt was seen to be an encouraging presence and a right hand man. He found accomplices for Booth, and he also appears to have procured weapons and conveyances, but he never participated in the acts themselves. Nevertheless, at Johnson’s behest, the head of the tribunal, Judge Advocate General Joseph Holt, worked hard to prove some connection between Jefferson Davis and the conspirators. The best evidence came from three witnesses. James Merritt, who had been living among Southerners who had fled to Canada, claimed Southerners talked freely about the plot there. Richard Montgomery, a Union spy, claimed to have been told about the plot by his contacts. And Sandford Conover, a newspaper correspondent and self-promoter claimed he was close friends with all the Southern leaders and that they were all in on it. After their testimony, affidavits and letters poured in, suggesting all three of the men were liars and in several cases proving that their testimonies were false. Nevertheless, after the treason trial, when JAG Holt was still searching for more damning evidence on which to try Jefferson Davis, Conover convinced him that he could provide it. When Holt took the bait and gave Conover the money he requested, Conover provided the statements of numerous witnesses that he had interviewed himself. As pressure mounted to finally put Davis on trial, resulting in Congress turning against President Johnson, Holt sent a staff member to cross-examine these witnesses of Conover’s. While questioning one of them, he came clean, said that the whole testimony had been fabricated by Conover, that Conover had given him a false name and coached him on the story he was to tell. After that, with further investigation, it came out that all eight of Conover’s witnesses were frauds, and the case for a grand Confederate conspiracy fell apart, leading inevitably to Jefferson Davis’s release.
An 1867 illustration from Harper’s Weekly of Jefferson Davis’s trial in Richmond, VA, shortly before a “nolle prosequi” entry was made, indicating the prosecutor’s decision not to prosecute.
Despite the previous evidence for a grand Confederate plot relying only on dubious hearsay and claims that turned out to be entirely fabricated, the theory has refused to go away. One later piece of evidence that tends to support the Confederate Grand Conspiracy narrative is that Booth’s escape route took him through Maryland and Virginia along the very same path that Confederate spies used for the smuggling of goods and people. This has been taken by proponents of the Grand Conspiracy as proof that he was in the employ of the Confederate Secret Service. However, that Booth was in contact with Confederate spies has never been in doubt. His collaboration with John Surratt was established even before the assassination, and as John Surratt was a courier for the Confederacy, he would have known of this route. The only thing that Booth’s use of this escape route shows is that Surratt likely helped him plan his escape. It’s only more evidence of Surratt’s involvement in the plot, not evidence that knowledge of it went to the top of the Confederate government. Another piece of evidence, which only resurfaced in 1977, after being lost for more than a 100 years, is the confession of George Atzerodt, the same document wherein he claimed to only be at Kirkwood to get papers from Johnson. In it, Atzerodt claims, “Booth said he had met a party in N. York who would get the Prest. certain. They were going to mine the end of the pres. House, near the War Dept. They knew an entrance to accomplish it through.” This part of the confession has since been connected to another incident, in which a Confederate deserter, saying he had served in the “torpedo bureau,” described as a war department aimed at demolishing riverboats and powder magazines with explosives, informed the Union that someone from his bureau had been sent on a secret mission that he understood was directed at Abraham Lincoln. That is the extent of it. Historians have since speculated that a certain member of this torpedo bureau, Thomas Harney, who was taken captive with a cavalry unit about 15 miles from the White House the day after the surrender at Appomattox, was the agent in question, tasked with blowing up the White House with the heads of state in it. However, this cavalry unit was not carrying the explosive that would have been needed, and in fact could not have carried the amount of gunpowder that would have been required to do the job. Nevertheless, Lincoln assassination researchers have, through rampant speculation, transformed these three things—Atzerodt’s claim, the deserter’s warning, and the capture of an engineer—into a foiled bombing plot that we don’t know for certain was being planned. Not satisfied with only this, they further suggest a specific motivation, pointing to the Dahlgren affair, in which, after a failed Union attack on Richmond, a document was reportedly found on Colonel Ulric Dahlgren’s body that suggested Lincoln himself had ordered Jefferson Davis’s assassination. There continues to be debate over whether this document was authentic or a forgery, but regardless, it has long been thought that it may have encouraged Booth in his efforts to kidnap and later to murder Lincoln, turnabout being fair play, and all that. According to the scenario that proponents of a Grand Confederate Conspiracy have dreamed up, after the Dahlgren Affair, Jefferson Davis and the Confederate Secretary of State Judah Benjamin, personally ordered the bombing of the White House. They point to the fact that Benjamin burned his papers before fleeing to England after the war as somehow being proof of his involvement in this particular plot, when he actually had countless reasons to burn his papers, knowing he might be prosecuted for his involvement in the rebellion. As their narrative goes, Booth was well aware of this bombing plot, as Atzerodt’s confession suggests, because he was working closely with the Confederate government, and when the bombing was foiled, he was then tasked with murdering the president, explaining why he only resolved to do so a couple of days before committing the act. It should be apparent, though, that this narrative lacks evidence and is hard to credit in several ways. First, even if the bombing plot were real, Booth possibly hearing about it from the disaffected Northern Copperheads and Confederate agents he had surrounded himself with does not mean he was in any way involved with it. In fact, since it would have been underway simultaneous to his efforts to kidnap the President, it just seems like further evidence that his plans were his own, not ordered by the Confederate government, even if his Confederate friends helped him acquire the supplies he needed to carry it out. And the idea that Booth resolved on killing Lincoln because the bombing was foiled and that his plan changed specifically based on orders he received from the heads of the Confederate government is a virtual impossibility. Jefferson Davis and Judah Benjamin and the rest of the Confederate cabinet had been on the run since Richmond was taken. Even if they had personally arranged a bombing plot before leaving, or from their temporary seat of government for the next week, in Danville, Virginia, after Lee’s surrender at Appomattox, they had to flee again, south to Greensboro, North Carolina, Union troops hot on their heels. During the days when this theory supposes they were receiving letters from the North and sending new orders to their agents, the refugee government was actually hiding in a boxcar. This lack of convincing evidence, I think, might not have even held up in a military tribunal, let alone a criminal trial. Certainly Booth had found Confederate sympathizers and even Confederate agents to recruit as his accomplices, and he certainly benefited from connections and networks already established by the Confederate Secret Service, but a grand conspiracy going all the way to the top has simply never been proven. And this is not to suggest that the Confederacy was some chivalrous government engaged in a war of high ideals that would never stoop to such tactics. On the contrary, it is known that the clandestine operatives of the Confederacy engaged in murder, sabotage, what we would today call terror, and even biological warfare, as allegedly Confederate agents also schemed to spread yellow fever in the North and to infect Lincoln in particular by circulating contaminated clothing. Rather, what is not proven with any satisfaction is a grand conspiracy, in which the heads of the Confederate government directly ordered the assassination of Lincoln. But what we find as we examine the conspiracy theories surrounding the Lincoln assassination is what we find with conspiracy theories in general. When it comes to evidentiary standards, conspiracists have double standards. They will reject a preponderance of evidence if it disagrees with their theories, in favor of evidence that is neither clear nor convincing. And as we will further see, in the rest of this series, these are not even the most unconvincing conspiracy theories surrounding the assassination of Abraham Lincoln.
Further Reading
Hanchett, William. The Lincoln Murder Conspiracies. University of Illinois Press, 1986.
Knox, Sanka. “WIDOW OF LINCOLN WROTE OF MURDER.” The New York Times, 14 April 1972, https://www.nytimes.com/1972/04/14/archives/widow-of-lincoln-wrote-of-murder-tied-johnson-to-conspiracy-in.html.
“On Exhibit: John Wilkes Booth’s Calling Card.” National Archives, 12 Nov. 2014, https://prologue.blogs.archives.gov/2014/11/12/on-exhibit-john-wilkes-booths-calling-card/.